Africa in the United Nations
- ISSN: 00208183
- DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X00001531
Abstract
The image of Africa in the United Nations in the first twelve years of the life of that organization was an image of Trust Territories and colonially dominated areas. This was drastically altered by the emergence of African states to independence and membership in the world community. As they have gained increased membership in the United Nations, the African states have sought to co-ordinate their efforts on issues of self-determination, the independence of colonial areas, the elimination of racial discrimination policies. To this end, caucusing groups have developed. There is presently discernible a tendency toward unity even on non-African issues. Within the United Nations itself, the African states are concerned with obtaining seats on the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, and on other committees that include less than the full membership of the United Nations. On substantive issues, they are concerned with eliminating Portuguese domination in Angola and Mozambique, with achieving independence for South West Africa, and with ending apartheid in South Africa, with priorities assigned in that order for reasons of strategy. The impact of Africa in the United Nations has been to shift emphasis from East-West to North-South differences, with particular stress on moral-political issues, basic social and economic problems. Over-all, African states have conducted themselves in a politically responsible manner and can be expected to continue to do so.
Related
Africa in the United Nations -
ing their advancement to self-government or independence. The
Economic and Social Council, also acting under the General As-
sembly, would promote and coordinate international economic
and social cooperation. Action in international economic and
social cooperation was to be implemented by the specialized agen-
cies—separate international organizations related by agreement
to the United Nations so as to encourage coordination of their ac-
tivities.
Such was the nature of the United Nations as conceived in
1945. Viewing the Charter at that time, one might have foreseen
that the UN's principal concern with Africa would have been to
aid in the development of this continent of non-self-governing
peoples. A declaration in Chapter XI of the Charter urged mem-
bers to exercise a sacred trust to the non-self-governing territories
to help them advance toward self-government. Under the trvistee-
ship system the Charter suggested that efforts be directed not only
toward the development of self-government but toward possible
independence.
Few of the San Francisco delegates could have envisaged the
continent achieving its independence as rapidly as it has, or real-
ized that within ten years the problems of the economic and social
development of these underdeveloped peoples would be a prime
concern of the United Nations as a whole. What they did envisage
was that general efforts in economic and social cooperation would
benefit these colonial areas.
More significantly, no one at San Francisco thought that the
political position and role of these African peoples would become
a crucial factor in the ability of the UN to maintain international
peace and security. Since there were no major powers on the con-
tinent, it was taken for granted that Africa would not have much
influence in the Security Council. Nor was it assumed that the
General Assembly would exercise much authority in maintaining
peace. Even if the number of African states were to increase in
the Assembly, the addition would not have seemed too im-
portant. Nor would it have been foreseen that crises in Africa
would put the United Nations to more serious tests than any other
events.
Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Ceylon, Chad,
Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Cyprus, Dahomey,
Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India,
Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Laos,
Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Mon-
golia, Morocco, Nepal, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines,
Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan,
Syria, Tanganyika, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda,
United Arab Republic, Upper Volta, and Yemen.
Western European group: Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark,
Finland, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Nether-
lands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United King-
dom, and Yugoslavia."
African group: Algeria, Burundi, Cameroun, Central African
Republic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville),
Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Li-
beria, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger,
Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tan-
ganyika, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, United Arab Republic, and Up-
per Volta.
Brazzaville (or AMU) group: Cameroun, Central African Re-
public, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Gabon, Ivory
Coast, Madagascar, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, and Upper Volta.
Casablanca group: Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco, and
the United Arab Republic."'
In addition to these caucusing blocs and groups, there are also
regional groups (i.e., NATO), common-interest groups (i.e., the
underdeveloped countries), temporary groups (i.e., the Spanish-
speaking countries, united to push the use of Spanish as a working
language in the UN), and a wide variety of others. None of these
groups is organized on any regular basis, but may meet now and
then.
9 This is a loose group that meets with the least regularity, and its mem-
bership may vary with meetings.
10 Ceylon and Libya originally belonged to the Casablanca group. Ceylon
still meets with the group on occasions;
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