American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 37, Nos. 1/2, March 2006 ( C 2006) DOI: 10.1007/s10464-005-9002-7 The Social Ecological Model and Physical Activity in African American Women Julie Fleury1,3 and Sarah M. Lee2 Published online: 14 February 2006 Little is known about the social and contextual correlates (e.g., social norms, environment, social networks, and organizational support) influencing the adoption and maintenance of regular physical activity among minority and underserved populations. The purpose of this review was to apply the social ecological model to better understand physical activity among African American women. A review of the literature pertaining to correlates of physical ac- tivity among African American women was conducted and applied to a social ecological per- spective. Understanding and addressing social and contextual correlates of physical activity behavior among African American women are necessary to establish comprehensive pro- grams, particularly within community settings. The social ecological model provides a strong theoretical basis to guide physical activity intervention in this population. KEY WORDS: social ecological model physical activity African American women community-based intervention. INTRODUCTION Despite the documented benefits of participat- ing in regular physical activity, less than half of the U.S. population engages in activity at suffi- cient levels of intensity, frequency, and duration to achieve a reduction in cardiovascular risk fac- tors (Macera et al., 2003 Pate et al., 1995). The prevalence of physical inactivity is higher among women, older persons, minorities, and lower so- cioeconomic groups (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services [USDHHS], 1996). Although data concerning physical activity in ethnic minori- ties are sparse, data indicate that African American women have low levels of physical activity and higher levels of subsequent health risk com- pared with their Caucasian counterparts (USDHHS, 1College of Nursing, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona 85287. 2Department of Exercise and Wellness, Arizona State University East, Mesa, Arizona 85212. 3To whom correspondence should be addressed at College of Nursing, Arizona State University, Main Campus, P.O. Box 872602, Tempe, Arizona 85287 e-mail: Julie.fleury@asu.edu. 1996 Broman, 1995). Studies have repeatedly found that African American women have lower lev- els of physical activity participation compared to Caucasian women, and in some cases, to other ethnic minority women (Ransdell & Wells, 1998 Adams- Campbell et al., 2000 Rohm & Voorhees, 2003). In a recent review, Bassuk and Manson (2004) noted that 55% of African American women, compared to 44% of African American men, reported no leisure- time physical activity. In comparison, 36% of white women and 33% of white men reported the same. Winkleby, Kraemer, Ahn, and Varady (1998) found that after adjusting for years of education, significant differences in blood pressure, body mass index, diabetes, and physical inactivity were noted among African American women compared with white women. Data from NCHS indicate that African American women���s health is poor relative to that of Caucasian women, but also relative to that of Hispanic, Native American, and Asian and Pacific Islander women, despite the fact that some of these ethnic groups of women have rates of poverty and low education similar to those of African American women (NCHS, 1996). African American women���s 129 0091-0562/06/0300-0129/0 C 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.

130 Fleury and Lee death rates from heart disease and cerebrovascular disease exceeded those of all American women��� Caucasian, Latino, Native American, and Asian and Pacific Islander. Additionally, the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey indicated that 51% of African American women (ages 40���56 years) were considered obese (defined as BMI greater than or equal to 30) compared to 30% of African American men in the same age range. This obesity rate among African American women is also higher than non-Hispanic White and Mexican American women of the same age. Due to these disparities, the likelihood that the risk of developing obesity- related diseases, such as diabetes, hypertension, and heart disease, will impact African American women more often is quite high. From such data it is reasonable to conclude that the state of African American women���s risk related to chronic illness, particularly risks which may be modified through regular physical activity is high relative to that of African American men and minority and Caucasian women. Research has provided cross-sectional evidence regarding patterns of physical activity and corre- sponding risk among African American women. Lit- tle is known, however, about the social and con- textual correlates (e.g., social norms, environment, social networks, organizational support) influencing the adoption and maintenance of regular physical activity among African American women (Banks- Wallace, 2000 Magnus, 1991). Acknowledgment of these correlates is essential to achieve the goals outlined in Healthy People 2010 (USDHHS, 2000), which include increasing quality and years of healthy life and eliminating health disparities. Two of the physical activity objectives of Healthy People 2010 are to increase the proportion of adults who en- gage in regular, preferably daily, moderate physical activity and reduce the proportion of adults who en- gage in no leisure-time physical activity (USDHHS, 2000). In order to promote physical activity among African American women consistent with national health objectives, a greater depth of understanding regarding social and contextual influences on physi- cal activity behavior is essential. Failure of current research to adequately ad- dress social and contextual correlates may contribute to the lack of success in developing theoretical mod- els designed to promote physical activity among un- derserved and minority populations (Sallis & Owen, 1999). In his Summary of Task Group Research Rec- ommendations for the National Conference on Be- havioral and Sociocultural Perspectives on Ethnic- ity and Health, Anderson (1994) noted that one of the most fundamental considerations of research on ethnicity, health, and behavior is how such fac- tors influence specific health behaviors. Literature re- views of physical activity correlates (Sallis & Owen, 1999) emphasize the need for a broad perspective that includes individual (e.g., intrinsic motivation) as well as contextual variables (social and envi- ronmental). The extent to which physical activity research focuses on individual characteristics and ignores the social and environmental context of behavior may also impact effectiveness of pro- grams targeting vulnerable groups, including African American women. The limitations of existing health promotion models emphasize the need for a shift toward a more comprehensive approach that acknowledges the importance of social context (Stokols, 1996). One way of conceptualizing the interdependence among people, their behavior and their environ- ment is through social ecological models (Sallis & Owen, 1999 Walcott-McQuigg et al., 2001). Social ecological frameworks are unique in acknowledging multiple levels of influence as fostering the adop- tion and maintenance of physical activity rather than having a traditional sole focus on intrapersonal fac- tors (Banks-Wallace, 2000). A consensus is emerg- ing that multilevel perspectives consistent with so- cial ecological models are promising approaches in health behavior research and health promotion ef- forts. A general acceptance of the need for multilevel perspectives is seen in documents including Healthy People 2010 (USDHHS, 2000) and the Institute of Medicine���s report on promoting healthy behavior (Smedley & Syme, 2000). From a social ecologi- cal perspective, the potential for behavioral change within population groups, such as African American women, is considered within the social context, which can include friends, family, work and neighborhood associates, and formal and informal health organi- zations. Social ecological models provide an over- arching framework, or set of theoretical principles, for understanding the interrelations among diverse personal and environmental factors in human health and illness (Stokols, 1996). Thus, a social ecological approach to understanding correlates of physical ac- tivity among African American women allows us to extend traditional motivational and behavioral the- ory to provide an analysis of components identified including intrapersonal, interpersonal, community, environmental and organizational resources. The