Sociocultural Influences and Body Image in 9- to 12-Year-Old Girls: The Role of Appearance Schemas Levina Clark and Marika Tiggemann Flinders University This study tested whether an individual���s beliefs about the importance of appearance in their life is a mediator of sociocultural influences on body dissatisfaction in young girls. Participants were 265 girls in Grades 4 to 7 (M age = 10.71 years) from 5 pri- vate primary schools in metropolitan Adelaide, South Australia. Girls completed questionnaire measures of appearance television and magazine exposure, peer ap- pearance conversations, autonomy, appearance schemas, and body dissatisfaction. Appearance media exposure and peer appearance conversations were negatively re- lated to body esteem, and autonomy positively predicted body esteem. Most impor- tant, appearance schemas mediated between all sociocultural variables and body dis- satisfaction. Several studies have shown that many preadoles- cent children, and particularly girls, report dissatisfac- tion with their bodies (for reviews, see Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2001 Smolak & Levine, 2001). In Western societies at least, such dissatisfaction is most often ex- pressed in relation to weight and shape. For example, in their review of the children���s body image literature, Ricciardelli and McCabe reported specific estimates for the number of preadolescent girls who desire a thin- ner body size to range between 28% and 55%. Al- though an emphasis on reducing body weight may be necessary in some instances to improve health, in many cases those girls who desire to be thinner are classified as normal weight or even underweight according to age-appropriate body mass index (BMI) scores. The development of such body dissatisfaction during child- hood may not only have direct psychological conse- quences for children at the time (Lawrence & Thelen, 1995), but, more important, the stage may be set for more serious body image problems during later life (e.g., Shisslak et al., 1999). As described by Smolak (2002), in developed countries, negative body image is an essential contributor to the development of eating disorders and the growing problems of adolescent and adult obesity. As also pointed out by Smolak (2004), the observed gender, ethnic, cross-cultural, historical, and age dif- ferences in levels of body esteem all suggest that cul- ture and society play a major role in the construction of body image. Thus theories for the development of body image in children (Ricciardelli, McCabe, Holt, & Finemore, 2003 Smolak & Levine, 2001), just like those in adults, postulate a role for sociocultural factors (e.g., media, parents, peers) and psychological factors (e.g., self-esteem, negative affect, autonomy), in addi- tion to biological factors (e.g., age, BMI). Smolak and Levine���s (2001) comprehensive model for the development of body dissatisfaction among children places a focus on weight and shape as its cen- tral variable. The extent to which a child focuses on weight and shape is the result of individual (gender, BMI) and sociocultural (e.g., comments about body shape and appearance from family and peers) vari- ables. Particular messages from parents, peers, or the media (e.g., that being a certain weight or appearance will increase their likability) will increase a child���s fo- cus on weight and shape. In general, it is more likely that girls (and overweight girls in particular) rather than boys will receive these messages (Smolak & Le- vine, 2001). Children���s level of autonomy, or the extent to which they pursue their own goals as opposed to pleasing others, is proposed to moderate the impact of sociocultural factors on weight and shape focus, such that this relation will be stronger for those girls with low autonomy. Finally, body dissatisfaction is a likely outcome of this process as most girls are unable to match the current standard for an ideal female body. Of the sociocultural factors identified in Smolak and Levine���s (2001) model, the majority of previous research with children has focused on parents and peers. For example, empirical evidence exists to sup- port a role for parents in the development of body dis- satisfaction, both via comments about their child���s ap- pearance and via modeling behaviors (Smolak, Levine, & Schermer, 1999). Several other studies have investi- Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology 2007, Vol. 36, No. 1, 76���86 Copyright �� 2007 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. 76 We acknowledge the contribution of the school principals, teach- ers, parents, and particularly the children at each of the schools in- volved in the study. The time and effort taken to participate in the study were greatly appreciated. Correspondence should be addressed to Levina Clark, Flinders University, GPO Box 2100, Adelaide, SA 5001 Australia. E-mail: Levina.Clark@flinders.edu.au

gated the behavior of peers, including comments about appearance, modeling, and teasing (e.g., Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2005 Vander Wal & Thelen, 2001). In a sample of girls in Grades 3 to 5, Oliver and Thelen (1996) found that girls��� belief that being thinner would make them more popular predicted higher weight con- cerns. Not surprisingly, teasing about appearance has also been shown to be related to body dissatisfaction in children (Fabian & Thompson, 1989). Among adolescents, the role of conversations about appearance among peers has been investigated. In her book Fat Talk, Nichter (2000) described the dialogue about body image that many girls and women engage in. Further, Jones, Vigfusdottir, and Lee (2004) de- scribed the concept of an appearance culture among adolescents in which media ideals and peer conver- sations reinforce each other. In an earlier study of younger children (9- to 12-year-old girls), Clark and Tiggemann (2006) found that conversations about ap- pearance topics (e.g., the size and shape of girls��� bod- ies) were related to internalization of appearance ideals and body dissatisfaction. Only limited research exists on the influence of the mass media on body dissatisfaction in children. In an early study, Martin and Kennedy (1993) reported that girls between the ages of 8 and 11 compared them- selves to fashion models and other media images and felt bad about the comparison. Another study (Field et al., 1999) reported that the use of magazines to obtain weight and beauty information was related to poor body image in elementary-school girls. Further, Sands and Wardle (2003) found that media exposure was re- lated to awareness of the thin ideal in 9- to 12-year-old girls. Thus, parents, peers, and the media are all potential contributors to children���s body image. The first aim of this study was to further explore the relation of two sociocultural variables (media and peers) to body dis- satisfaction in children. In particular, appearance con- versations among peers were investigated in addition to exposure to appearance television and magazines. In an earlier study using an independent sample, Clark and Tiggemann (2006) found that in 9- to 12-year-old girls, exposure to appearance media did not predict body dissatisfaction directly but was predictive of con- versations about appearance, which in turn predicted body dissatisfaction. We concluded in that instance that media and peers were related in their relation to body dissatisfaction as appearance ideals informed by the media are likely to be discussed and reinforced among friends. This combined influence of peers and media supported the notion of an ���appearance culture��� among preadolescents, similar to that described by Jones et al. (2004) among adolescents. The second aim of this study was to further explore the individual difference variable of autonomy as intro- duced in Smolak and Levine���s (2001) model of chil- dren���s body image development. To our knowledge, the role of autonomy has yet to be explicitly examined in relation to body image across any age group. A mod- erating variable such as autonomy, however, is able to explain why levels of young girls��� body dissatisfaction can vary despite similar levels of exposure to universal sociocultural variables (e.g., mass media). Smolak and Levine described autonomy as the extent to which a child needs to be liked or to please others. This is akin to Noom, Dekovic, and Meeus���s (2001) definition of emotional autonomy among adolescents as a percep- tion of emotional independence from parents and peers related to an internal locus of control and is similar to the concepts of resistance to peer pressure (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986), social independence (Flammer, 1991), and self-determination. Although having great- er autonomy is likely to foster higher self-esteem (Litovsky & Dusek, 1985 Nielsen & Metha, 1994), autonomy is argued to be distinct from the concept of self-esteem, which refers to the evaluative component of self-concept involving judgments about self-worth and the feelings associated with those judgments (Berk, 2000). In this study it was predicted that the need to be liked or please others (low autonomy) would strengthen the effect of sociocultural variables on body dissatisfaction in young girls, whereas high levels of autonomy would offer a buffer against such socio- cultural influence. The final and major aim of the study was to explore the means by which the media and peers have their im- pact on body dissatisfaction. As described by Levine and Smolak (1996), many models of body dissatisfac- tion focus on sociocultural influences but do not spec- ify the mechanisms of influence. Among adolescents, Tiggemann (2005) identified social comparison, inter- nalization of the thin ideal, and the development of ap- pearance schemas as possible mechanisms. Internal- ization of the thin ideal (Thompson & Stice, 2001), or the extent to which individuals adopt and accept the current socially defined ideal of thinness as an ideal for themselves, has been found to mediate between socio- cultural variables and body dissatisfaction among ado- lescents (Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004). In children, Sands and Wardle (2003) found that internal- ization mediated the relation between awareness of a sociocultural standard of appearance and body dissat- isfaction in 9- to 12-year-old girls. One mechanism that has not yet been explored among children is the development of schemas for ap- pearance (Altabe & Thompson, 1996 Cash, 1996 Cash & Labarge, 1996). An appearance schema is de- fined as a cognitive representation of body image, in- cluding the beliefs that individuals hold about appear- ance and the importance of their appearance in their life (Cash, 1996). Cash (2002) maintained that such body image investment should be distinguished from body image evaluation, which relates only to the level 77 ROLE OF APPEARANCE SCHEMAS