J.biosoc.Sci, (2009) 41, 39–50,
2008 Cambridge University Press
doi:10.1017/S0021932008002952 First published online 23 Jul 2008
DOES SEX OF CHILDREN MATTER?
IMPLICATIONS FOR FERTILITY IN PAKISTAN
ALI MUHAMMAD
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Prince Edward Island,
Charlottetown, Canada
Summary. Preference for children of either sex is considered a constraint on
fertility decline as it induces many couples to keep adding on surviving
children in the hope of having a desired sex composition of children.
However, preferences for children of a particular sex may differ in relation to
demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of women, traditional values
and cultural practices, such as propagating a family name, providing
economic advantages, and obtaining a medium of social and economic
security in times of illness, unemployment and old age. Utilizing the Pakistan
Integrated Household Survey (2001–02), this paper aims at investigating the
existence of sex preference and examines sex preference differentials by
different attributes of women in Pakistan. The results reveal that there is a
desire to have another child in the presence of all children of one sex, either
sons or daughters. The desire to have a son with only or mostly daughters,
however, is stronger than the desire to have a daughter with only or mostly
sons. This behaviour will retard fertility decline unless there is a shift in the
desire to have children of both sexes in Pakistan.
Introduction
A strong preference to have children of a particular sex induces many couples to
exceed their desired number of children in an attempt to accomplish the desired sex
composition of surviving children. This behaviour can profoundly affect overall
fertility in a population as couples may continue having additional children until they
have attained children of both sexes. It can, therefore, be argued that strong
preference for either sex can constrain fertility decline as many couples will feel it
necessary to continue having children if they do not meet the desired sex composition
of children (Nag, 1991). While it is generally acknowledged that the existence of a
strong sex preference affects fertility levels, there is debate about whether the strength
of the relationship is conditional or unconditional. Some researchers (Das, 1987; Ali,
1989; Haughton & Haughton, 1995; Bhat & Zavier, 2003) hold the view that there is
a robust association between sex preference and fertility and argue that a strong sex
preference results in reduced contraceptive use and sustained high fertility levels.
39

Others (Chowdhury & Bairagi, 1990; De Silva, 1993; Kabir & Kabir, 2000) are less
convinced that there is a strong relationship between the two. They argue that the
relationship between sex preference and fertility in a population may depend
substantially upon contraceptive knowledge, accessibility and use. For example,
despite the existence of a strong son preference, fertility has declined sharply in Japan,
South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong (Arnold & Liu, 1986).
Sex preference for the next child is highly dependent on the numbers of surviving
sons and daughters among the family’s living children. However, sons are generally
preferred over daughters in traditional societies like Pakistan as daughters usually
have limited roles in economic-generating activities. In these types of societies, parents
are likely to consider what a son brings into the family and what a daughter takes
out of the family. In particular, upon marriage, a son may bring a daughter-in-law
into the family with economic rewards in the form of a dowry and additional help,
while a daughter may cost the family these benefits when she marries (Kabir et al.,
2000). These preferences, however, vary in relation to the socioeconomic status of
women, traditional practices and cultural values. Preference of either sex among one’s
children depends also on religious practices, family formation and the nature of social
security systems (Arnold & Liu, 1986). In some settings the importance of continuity
of lineage and obtaining a medium of social and economic security in old age in times
of unemployment and illness is most pervasive, while in other societies sons are valued
because they are a form of insurance against divorce and polygamy (Belanger, 2002).
Son preference is typically derived in agrarian and patriarchal societies (Bairagi,
2001), which separate the types of roles fulfilled by sons and daughters, the roles of
women being more restricted (Amin & Mariam, 1987) and limited in scope than the
roles of men (Das, 1987).
Son preference is common in South Asia, East Asia and parts of the Middle
East and North Africa; it is particularly strong in Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan
and South Korea (Arnold & Liu, 1986). Cultural features, traditional practices,
religious values and kinship systems contribute to strong son preference in these
countries (Abeykoon, 1995). In Nepal, old age security and continuity of lineage
are considered the prominent motivations for desiring sons; meanwhile religious
reasons and help with household chores were cited as motives for having daughters
(Niraula & Morgan, 1995). In Bangladesh, familial, socioeconomic and religious
conditions are considered to favour a strong preference for sons (Amin & Mariam,
1987).
Pakistan is a traditional patriarchal society in which parents prefer sons over
daughters (Rukanuddin, 1982; Kazi & Sathar, 1986; Ali, 1989; Sathar, 1993). This
preference can be attributed to the economic gains that are expected to accompany
having a son; sons are considered a source of old age security as well as carriers of
the family name (Sathar & Casterline, 1998). A wife is encouraged to create her own
social group by producing children. As Belanger (2002, p. 327) argued in the case of
Vietnam, a woman’s position in Pakistan also depends on the ‘production of sons’
and women are held responsible for having sons. Accordingly, the importance of a
newly married woman increases with the birth of a child, especially a son, in Pakistan.
However, there is also a desire for at least one daughter among parents who have two
or more living sons and no daughter (Nag, 1991).
40 A. Muhammad