Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 58 No. 3 © The Author [2005]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the
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doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi052
Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 58 No. 3, 2005, 570–584
Advance Access Publication 7 July 2005
The Impact of Political Marketing
on Internal Party Democracy
BY DARREN G. LILLEKER
THE introduction of marketing concepts and philosophy into political
policy formulation and communication is increasingly seen as a core
feature of party electoral strategy. Over the past four decades parties
across Europe have brought in consultants to support their campaign-
ing, conducted research to aid the design of communication and used
techniques associated with branding when constructing symbolic rep-
resentations of their party. Leaders’ style and image, key messages,
party motifs, as well as the various modes of advertising, are all part
of sophisticated marketing strategies more associated with producers
of fast moving consumer goods than with political parties. Whilst
some commentators argue that such developments are necessary in
the face of an increasingly non-aligned, apolitical and consumerist
electorate, it is also suggested that such strategies have negative impli-
cations for the future of politics in western liberal democracies. Critics
of political marketing argue that it has replaced ideology with
opportunism and downgraded the role of party members, exacer-
bating the crisis of support and legitimacy currently facing political
parties.
It is possible to argue that political marketing can offer benefits to the
voters, by providing greater democratisation through constant market
research. In nations where the party structure is weak, and democracy
is not fully embedded, the design of party policy around voter groups’
needs and wants may underpin the development of democracy. How-
ever, within the majority of western democracies, where parties initially
formed out of groups claiming to represent societal segments—such as
the British Labour Party’s historical link with the trade union move-
ment—the relationship between voters and parties is more complex.
Parties are embedded within society; their names signify certain values,
policies and beliefs. On the basis of this they have a broad range of
supporters with differing levels of loyalty and attachment. There are
paid-up members who act as advocates for the party and provide active
support during elections campaigns; there are loyal supporters, who
perform many of the same functions despite not holding formal mem-
bership; and, finally, there are weak supporters, whose loyalty is more
fragile and who are more likely to adopt an economic model when
determining their level of support.

Political Marketing and Internal Party Democracy 571
The economic model of voting is said to prevail amongst the unde-
cided or floating voter, and has been referred to in America as ‘pocket
book voting’. This model infers that voters make decisions about which
party to support, based upon a calculation of which party or candidate
will provide them with the better standard of living and best respond to
their individual needs and concerns. This apparent quantitative shift
away from concern with ideology and belief in codes or creeds, towards
a greater focus on which party would be the best managers has created
a greater number of floating voters, whose support is critical for a party
seeking to win power.
With partisanship decreasing and fewer voters possessing lifetime
attachments to one party or another, the floating voter is seen as an
important segment that needs strategic targeting through political mar-
keting. Brands divide the market between them, squeezing out competi-
tion and staking a claim on key segments. These can be divided
geographically or by socio-demographics; the major supermarkets will
compete on the borders of their catchments for customers, while others
will target poorer households. Importantly they will seek to understand
‘their’ customers and provide the goods and services they require. Par-
ties are increasingly attempting to develop strategies that target the
same segment—floating voters—overlooking those who they would
once have considered ‘their’ voters and who in turn saw the party as
‘theirs’. This approach leads to a breakdown in the relationship
between the party and its members and loyal supporters, as well as with
sections of its weaker support. Such a strategy could have a profoundly
negative effect on political parties as we know them.
This article focuses on the effects of political marketing upon internal
party democracy in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. The
empirical data is drawn from a range of sources, including: focus
groups with current and former Labour Party members from heartland
Labour constituencies; interviews with Conservative MPs, prospective
parliamentary candidates from the 2001 General Election, and Con-
servative Association members from one solid Conservative stronghold;
and data gathered from a survey of voters during the 2004 local and
European Parliament elections. The article looks at the nature of the
parties’ internal relations, their implementation of political marketing
techniques and the resultant attitudes of members and supporters. It
then offers some general observations regarding the changing nature of
parties and their internal relations as they appear to move towards an
electoral professional model. First, however, it is useful to explore the
normative view of the relationship between parties and their members.
Parties and members: working together for shared goals?
There are a number of perspectives from which we can study the role
and motivations of party members and the way in which parties could or
should interact with their membership. Without developing a theoretical