21767
July 1994
Educaton and Social Policy Department
The World Bank
July 1994
ESP Discussion Paper Series
No. 37
Improving Women's Agricultural Productivity as Farmers and
Workers
Agnes R. Quisumbing
Mhe ESP D%=s=ssion Paper Senex .res as s .riwemaJ system of record keeping, rtfermce and rrvwmdfir At prvdup of the
Fducadon and Sdul PoUcy Deparina's wrk progrwn. The Wns crpreed here ar duoe of zhc aues and shoud not be
aarIud to he World Bank or irs Board of &ectvse Direcors or the coewies they repruaun
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Acknowledgements
This paper was written as a background paper for the World Bank Special Study on
Gender and Development. I would like to thank Barbara Herz and Roger Slade for guidance in
the initial stages of this undertaking, and Lynn Bennett, Katrine Saito, Guilherme Sedlacek, and
Kalanidhi Subbarao for valuable comments and suggestions. Jyotsna Jalan introduced me to the
WISTAT data base used in the cross-country comparisons. Minh Chau Nguyen and Carolyn
Winter provided much of the impetus for the review of Bank agricultural projects. Benjamin
Crow and Janet Owens deserve recognition for their careful review of Staff Appraisal Reports
based on a list of projects identified by Sayeeda Chaudhry as part of the WID Monitoring effort.
Harold Alderman and Daphne Spurling provided extremely thorough comments on a previous
draft. I retain the responsibility for all errors and omissions.

ABSTRACT
An overview of the role women play in agriculture is useful when devising strategies to increase
female income and productivity. Part I of this paper presents evidence on the importance of women in
the rural economy using cross-country statistics and rural household studies. Findings from time
allocation studies are used to identify policy variables that might increase women's participation in more
productive activities. Part II explores gender-specific barriers and constraints, especially differential
access or control of productive resources-land, tools, extension and credit-and the social and
institutional factors contributing to such differences. Part Im analyzes gender differences in agricultural
productivity more rigorously, using evidence from econometric studies. These studies examine how
different levels of education, land and other inputs affect technical efficiency, labor productivity, earnings
and the adoption of technology. They also point to ways whereby productivity gaps may be remedied
through the provision of key services, such as extension and education. Part IV of the paper examines
how agricultural policies may affect women differently than men, drawing from case studies in Africa,
Asia and Latin America. Part V then reviews how specific barriers faced by women have been addressed
in Bank agricultural projects and suggests guidelines for the design of future Bank projects. Two
appendices provide information on the cross-country statistics and the time allocation studies used in the
paper.

1. AN OVERVIEWOF RURAL WOMEN
1.01 In every region, but perhaps most in Africa, millions of women work as farmers and so affect
family food security, national agricultural output, and the environment. Nearly 80 percent of
economically active women in sub-Saharan Africa and at least half in Asia are in agriculture. In
the developing world as a whole, women play the primary role in food production: FAO estimates
that women account for 70 to 80 percent of household food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, 65
percent in Asia, and 45 percent in Latin America and the Caribbean. As men migrate in search
of non-agricultural employment opportunities in many countries, women are undertaking men's
traditional tasks while attending to their families' household needs. Thus, strategies to increase
productivity and incomes in the agricultural sector will have to recognize the importance of women
as economic agents in the rural economy - as farmers, managers of natural resources, and casual
workers.
1.02 Rural women undertake a major proportion of farm work, are responsible for family
food security and home production, are often involved in post-harvest processing and marketing,
and yet often have lower levels of human and physical capital, and less access to information,
resources, and markets, compared to men. A critical question is the extent to which rural women's
welfare and productivity have been limited by social, institutional, and policy-induced constraints
which may be different or more binding for women than for men.
1.03 This paper provides an overview of women in agriculture, in order to identify
barriers and constraints they face, and to propose strategies to increase their productivity, incomes,
and welfare. Part 1 presents evidence on the importance of women in the rural economy using
cross-country statistics and rural household studies. Part 2 explores barriers women may face due
to differential access to and control of productive resources-land, tools, extension, and credit - and
the social and institutional factors contributing to such differences. Part 3 discusses gender
differences in agricultural productivity using evidence from econometric studies. These studies
examine how different endowments of education, land, and other inputs affect technical efficiency,
labor productivity, earnings, and adoption of technology. They also point to ways whereby
productivity gaps may be remedied through the provision of key services such as extension and
education. Part 4 reviews how the impact of agricultural policies may differ by gender, drawing
from case studies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Part 5 examines how gender-specific barriers
and constraints may be addressed through programs and projects, and highlights lessons learned
from implementation experience. It concludes with guidelines to improve the design and
implementation of gender-sensitive projects in agriculture.
Cross-Country Evidence
Characteristics of the Agricultural Sector
1.04 Table 1 relates indicators of the structural characteristics of the economy, such as
-1-

-2-
the importance of agriculture in output and employment, to the importance of women in
agriculture.' Differences in labor productivity in the agricultural and nonagricultural sectors and
the ratios of females to males age 10 and over in rural and urban areas provide a rough picture of
sectoral productivity differences and gender differences in migration. Agriculture's contribution to
GDP ranges from a high of 61 percent in Burundi to a low of 4 percent in Japan. With the
exception of mineral and oil-exporting countries, agriculture accounts for the bulk of employment
in Africa, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.
1.05 Despite the importance of the agricultural sector in output and employment, labor
productivity is low relative to nonagriculture. In most countries, value added per worker in the
agricultural sector is less than 50 percent of that in the nonagricultural sector, due to both low levels
of productivity and pricing policies biased against agriculture.
Gender composition of agricultural labor force
1.06 There is substantial variation in the gender composition of the agricultural labor
force. Women make up a high proportion of the agricultural labor force in sub-Saharan Africa,
followed by East Asia and Southeast Asia (Figure 1). Women also account for a significant portion
of agricultural employment in some European countries, notably Hungary, Portugal, and the former
Yugoslavia. In contrast, the agricultural labor force in Latin America, North Africa, and the Middle
East is predominantly male, although this may reflect undercounting of women's participation.
1.07 The last two columns of Table 1 show the ratio of females per 100 males age 10 and
over in urban and rural areas. Females outnumber males (the ratio is greater than 100) in the rural
areas of Africa, East Asia, and Southeast Asia (with the exception of China, Korea and the
Philippines). Males outnumber females (the ratio is less than 100) in the urban areas of Eastem
Africa, South Asia, and West Asia, while females dominate urban areas in countries with high
femnale out-migration such as Latin America, the Philippines, and Thailand. Rural female to male
ratios greatly exceed urban ratios in Africa, while the reverse is true for Latin America and the
Caribbean (Figure 2).
1.08 A breakdown of agricultural employment into categories of farmn owners and
managers, unpaid family workers, and hired workers shows that farm owners and managers account
for the majority of the agricultural labor force across countries, although wage labor is the dominant
category in many Latin American countries (Figure 3). However, females tend to be under-
represented among farm owners and managers. and tend to be classified as unpaid family workers.
Women also account for a lower proportion of hired labor in agriculture (Figure 4).7
IThis table is patterned after Table 2 in Islam and Mueller (1991) but has a wider geographic coverage. Although more
recent data may be available on variables such as GDP and ratios of value added, this table presents the years for which data
on the gender composition of the labor force are available.
2Sri Lanka is an exception, since women account for the bulk of hired labor in tea plantations.

Table 1: Characteristics of the Agricultural Sector and Agricultural
Labor Force, Rural and Urban Sex Ratios, Selected Countries
Region Country Year Share of Average Share of Share of Ratio of Females Females
Agriculture Annual Growth Agriculture Females in Value Added per 100 per 100
in GDP Rate of in Total Agricultural per Worker Males, Males,
% Agriculture labor Force labor Force in Urban Rural
Agriculture
to Non-
Agriculture
1965-80 1980-90 % %
AFRICA
Eastern Africa
Burundi 1979 61 6.6 3.1 93 56 0.12 68 115
Malawi 1977 42 4.1 2.0 83 52 0.15 73 119
Rwanda 1978 42 n.a. -1.5 93 54 0.06 72 114
Zambia 1980 14 2.2 3.7 36 41 0.29 93 124
Zimbabwe 1982 14 n.a. 2.4 54 50 0.14 79 122
Middle Africa
Cameroon 1976 28 4.2 1.6 74 47 0.13 89 123
C.Afr.Rep. 1975 38 2.1 2.7 84 53 0.11 111 119
Northern Africa
Morocco 1982 15 2.4 6.4 40 16 0.27 100 107
Sudan 1973 44 2.9 n.a. 64 28 0.44 82 112
Western Africa
Mali 1976 58 2.8 2.3 82 15 0.31 104 112
LATIN AMERICA
Caribbean and
Central America
Costa Rica 1973 19 4.2 3.2 35 2 0.44 118 90
El Salvador 1971 27 3.6 -0.7 54 4 0.31 119 96
Mexico 1980 9 3.2 0.4 25 12 0.29 102 92
Nicaragua 1971 25 3.8 -2.6 47 3 0.38 128 94
Panama 1980 9 2.4 1.9 25 3 0.29 111 87
South America
Brazil 1970 12 3.8 2.8 44 10 0.18 110 93
Chile 1982 6 1.6 4.2 17 3 0.28 107 79
-3-

Table 1. (continued)
Region Country Year Share of Average Share of Share of Ratio of Females Females
Agriculture Annual Growth Agriculture Females in Value Added Per 100 per 100
in GDP Rate of in Total Agricultural per Worker Males, Males,
% Agriculture labor Force labor Force in Urban Rural
Agriculture
to Non-
Agriculture
1965-80 1980-90 % %
Colombia 1973 24 n.a. n.a. 27 n.a. 0.87 126 90
Peru 1981 10 1.0 2.8 35 14 0.22 102 100
Venezuela 1987 6 3.9 3.1 13 3 0.42 103 86
ASIA
East Asia
China 1982 40 2.8 6.1 72 47 0.26 88 95
Japan 1980 4 -0.6 1.3 10 49 0.34 102 104
Korea, Rep of 1980 15 3.0 2.8 32 44 0.37 102 97
Southeast Asia
Indonesia 1985 23 4.3 3.2 54 35 0.26 102 106
Philippines 1981 23 3.9 1.0 . 47 26 0.34 110 98
Thailand 1980 23 4.6 4.1 73 50 0.11 106 102
South Asia
Bangladesh 1981 47 0.6 2.6 77 n.a. 0.26 72 95
India 1981 37 2.5 3.1 62 24 0.35 88 94
Sri Lanka 1981 28 2.7 2.3 37 25 0.66 88 99
West Asia
Syrian Arab
Republic 1984 20 5.9 -0.6 24 25 0.77 93 105
Turkey 1980 23 3.2 3.0 58 54 0.22 88 106
EUROPE
Hungary 1980 17 2.7 1.6 10 0 1.86 106 101
Greece 1981 18 2.3 0.7 27 30 0.57 107 99
Portugal 1980 8 n.a. n.a. 25 51 0.28 111 105
Yugoslavia 1981 13 3.1 0.7 27 47 0.41 103 93
n.a. Not available
Same: Social Indicator Database, World Bank (1992)
-4-

Figure 2: Share of Employment Categories in Agricuitural Labor Force
20 .55% 44 67 0
2259% 79.6% 17.21%
0 04%
\ 2.rtnf - >/~ 79.t S t 7 18%537.73%
NIGERIA TANZANIA BRAZL
1983 1967 1950
16.89% MMt %
0114% 0.44%
42.3 4a54% \<22.96%
42.3% 485.4% 10.41%
INDONESIA SRI LANKA PERU
19o 10.1 1972
Cowners 2 Unpaid Famnily Workers l Hired Laborers NUnciassified Elsewhere
Figure 3: Female Share of Agricultural Employment Categories (Percent)
70 e
60 . ...... . ..... ..... - ------
5'
50 - - - - - - -- - -
43
40 ... ...... . .. - '
32~~~~~3
30 . - . .. .. .2.
14 r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i
10
- . '7I 7
0 H,aRnhA mmS=AMZAmA#.197 (lOWIOO IDMIA16SRI LADEA 11911 Pemu (t3?m
r-Itmat Oner t7*mWUn Wa orkersCZFna HrdLW

Figure 4: Work Input by Men, Women and Children in Various
Crops Kenva
FE 3men CWomrren rChild 1=len C2w rnen O Chzldren
2 - 7 7,,0 5,, 4~~~ ~~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~4,C °- g
Fully Water-Controlled Race SW-anp Rice M-aze Sutareane
Izndia (Aridlhra Pradeshl) Phwilippirnes
aMEl ea =]Nen Women O Children
13= ~ ~ ~~~~~~~s- 3
8719 2t .........1 I97=
Tr.ditio-il Rice HYV tice MU.a.a Sug.rcane
Gu at.e ma 1a
|OMen z2Women CiChildren
o2.
85=O
28Y%
Ma~~ae ~ Ex-port Vag*Otabe..

1.09 The background provided by the macro data should be taken with caution since cross-country
macro data usually understate the importance of women in agriculture. Estimates adjusted for
undercounting suggest that on average women are 46 percent of the agricultural labor force in sub-Saharan
Africa; 45 percent in Asia, 40 percent in the Caribbean, and 31 percent in North Africa and the Middle
East (Dixon 1982: 560). Micro level studies, particularly time allocation and farming systems studies, may
provide a more accurate picture of women's involvement in agriculture and the gender division of labor
across crops and tasks.
.0-t.-0t_t0-:.fi .0 . .... ... .. .. .......-0 t00::X:t-t'd$-:-t.0000tV-00: t:-:-! -|lt: t--:}:0'\0;iBox I. Counting Women- in :griuture;
-:Conceptualf :and Fmeasurement: .pibiescontribute to- the udercounting .ofwomenin:agricltIe.IMe n -thosusedt
i.;g: iS, i . - f-; - . SEi ., - S .. E i, i .- . .: - i.. . .. . . . . ... .. .i-f.-,gi.-f
anly bar foc partiipaton devlpd ountrs-are inaequate or dvlpigcutryagriclue sinc sel-mlyet
amYz.sv; workEpes.lyent and WaMvr drange of ctie k n el. wagewrt a
: ;:::# -f y j .E f. Ref -0; :. :-S? U S : : i . : .aq nt. :E. a : 0 . lik . .. .. ... ..EF- gEdefind ob. Tho 1982) Furtheroe h itnto ewendmsi.pouto or own oswto n ecgonomc
activimtyfor sle adexchneIs less -cear inim.ral areas, particularly for -women.
_Wit regad to measurement,or he UNPopulaionCens, Lbor rce S re -aOFAOAgricultural Surveys,
d-: ihe imost-widelyquoted sources. ofmacro level. statis are not c 3rs..a.gregated.by sexand mask important reginaln
E g~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r -M.Il i :-:ife .EE - , Ur e: iE, i S HTE- S. E. E-iEi ,- r'
-r -:-on:sub-regional variations.-:-.ey are .also beset by enumeration problems. The zZe.mainsource of omission ofTfemae labor from
i . . f i E . . -F .E i i . i . - i E E i ..i E .i. ... .....
statistical: returns is probably an inadequate coverageEof Iudf fily labor, espeiayon smaller hol igs on which feme.
farmers: premnae.Other sources of enmeraon er are: ) e or rr eriod h s t.t saoa
:::i: i: f f D : : -i f :: ,: E Fi i. i : . E L . iE ii,E ,i, , E. Ei: i ...: ...... .. .. ........... i E
--- female:.labor;.(2) -classification based on selfreportedsprimBaiyeconomic.ai :tywhih women are :more:icelyt declare as:.
domestic rathe taagiuural work; and(3) cutira attitrudesl.whic~h ih ronition: ofwomen's eomcatitesThis
may uderlethe lassifcaton f women inotectgryo nadfmly'vresrterthnfrmagesimny
countdes,: even thosewi:ha tradition of ifemale: :: fam a i scild -1985).I
compositio:of the iagricultural -l bor. forefor lasample of 82 developing:counties- suggest tat women consttute over 40
percent of the total agrcultural labor: force in 52:cntes, and over .50 Qpercent . .24 of the countries. (Dxon 1982).
Farming Systems and Family Structures
1.10 Farming systems, being locationally adapted, are intrinsically heterogeneous. Their diversity
across countries and ecological zones within countries makes their classification into a definitive typology
difficult. Furthermnore, rural-urban migration, technological change, and changes in the gender division of
labor have challenged the widely-used classification of African and Asian agriculture into "femnale" and
"male" farming systems (Boserup 1970). It may be more useful to adopt a farm type classification using
resource endowments and famify types (Lele 1986) since the gender division of labor varies widely within
each farm type.
1.11 Farming systems can be classified into three general types: (1) extensive, land-surplus
systems; (2) intensively cultivated, labor-surplus systems with a unimodal farm size distribution; and (3)
dualistic systems with different factor intensities between large and small farms (Lele 1986). These types
have usually been associated with Africa, Asia, and Latin America, although changes in relative resource
endowments (e.g. increasing population pressure on limited land in Africa) have caused these associations
to break down. These systems coexist with different family structure "types":the polygamous societies of
Africa, in which there is less congmence between women's interests and their husbands; and the
monogamous extended/nuclear family type in Asia and Latin America, with agricultural decision-making
primarily by men.
African family structures and farming svstems
1.12 Table 2 presents data on the division of agricultural labor by crop, while Table 3 shows the
-8-

gender division of labor by task in African, Asian, and Latin American countries.3 In the four African
countries (Gambia, Kenya, Nigeria, and Rwanda) represented in Table 2, family members provide between
70 to 95 percent of labor required in agriculture. While female family labor accounts for the bulk of family
labor input in general, there is wide variation across societies and crops within a particular farming system.
Gender division of labor by task is usually found in all farming systems (see Table 3), but the traditional
gender division of labor by crop in African farming systems, although changing, can be traced to family
structures in African societies.
1.13 Unlike the unified "family farm" in Asia, in most of sub-Saharan Africa, households hold
several granaries or purses, controlled by men or women depending on different but complementary
responsibilities to the household (Dey 1985: 423).4 Various authors (e.g. Whitehead 1984) have
emphasized the "non-corporate character of the spOUes' interest and the potential separation of their life
courses." These features include "the flexibility of residence arrangements, with the absence of conjugality
as a necessary basis for the domestic group; the existence of polygyny, giving varying degrees of
concentration of wives amongst men of different ages and socioeconomic or political status; the likelihood
and rates of divorce; and the asymmetrical relation of marriage to the kinship status of children (the
'lineality' of the kinship system)" (Whitehead 1984: 35, in Kumar 1987).
1.14 Table 2 shows that women tend to be involved more heavily in the production of traditional
food crops (such as swamp rice in the Gambia; maize in Kenya; maize, sorghum and potatoes in Rwanda)
while men contribute more labor to cash crops (irrigated rice in the Gambia; sugarcane in Kenya). While
recent evidence suggests that women are now increasingly involved in cash crop cultivation (Saito et al.
1994), the traditional patterns of specialization can be traced to customary rights and obligations of men
and women. In most African societies, women have a traditional obligation to produce subsistence food
crops for home consumption, and to perform household maintenance activities such as fetching fuel and
water. Traditionally, men have cultivated cash crops, the sale of which provides cash to meet non-
subsistence obligations to wives and children. Men are obligated to provide the land and to be responsible
for housing, taxes, ceremonial and religious obligations, and part of the school fees. In most patrilineal
societies, men are responsible for surplus accumulation, usually in the form of cattle. This is linked to
longer-term security, which may often be achieved through the exchange of cattle for additional wives (with
concomnitant increments in household labor supply) and through sale of cattle in times of crop failure
(Kumar 1987:140).
1.15 In many African countries and ethnic groups, both men and women also have the right to
cultivate a personal field from which they meet certain obligations to the household and their personal
expenses. On these plots, there is a gender division of labor by task (Table 3). Planting, crop care,
harvesting, processing and marketing are predominantly women's tasks, whereas plot preparation (seedbed
construction, plowing) is a nale activity in Asian and Latin American farming systems. Although men
traditionally clear the land in African farming systems, evidence from Kenya suggests that women
substantially control their own plots, and influence their husbands' plots, often becoming fully responsible
for farming decisions and agncultural labor on plots of husbands who are away for most of the year
(Safilios-Rothschild 1986). Indeed, Table 3 shows that women's contribution to agricultural labor in Kenya
is more important on female-managed plots (Saito et al. 1994).
3Table 2 is similar to Tables 1 and 2 in Boserup (1970) but is not strictly comparable. Boserup presents hours per week
worked by both sexes while the studies cited in this paper use total labor input by hired and family labor of both sexes over
the entire cropping season. Since crops have growing seasons of different length, an average figure of hours per week may
be misleading. Thus, the relative contribution of male and female labor is with reference to total labor input per crop. The
data in Tables 2 and 3 also come from more recent farming systems studies conducted in the 1980s.
41t must be noted that the concept of a unified Asian family with a single decisionmaker or common preferences has been
challenged by empirical evidence. In Thailand, Schultz (1990) finds that men's and women's unearned income have different
effects on men's and women's labor force participation decisions and women's fertility behavior. In the Philippines, father's
and mother's individual endowments differentially affect bestowals of land and educational investments in sons and daughters
(Quisumbing 1994b).
-9-

Table 2. Work input by women and men in developing country agriculture, various crops.
Country and study No. of Crops Total Labor Input Total Total
Households Hired family Family Labor
units Number Labor Labor Men Women Children
(percent of total labor) (percent of family labor)
Africa
Gambia
von Braun, Puetz 900 farmers Fully water-controlled rice person-days 349 25 75 69 29 2
and Webb 1989 per hectare
Swamp rice 217 5 95 17 77 6
Maize 90 3 97 80 9 11
Groundnuts 141 6 94 69 26 5
Cotton 132 9 91 57 39 4
Total average - 7 93 62 32 6
Kenva
Bouis and Kennedy
1989 181 farms Maize person-days 214 19 81 46 50 4
Sugarcane per hectare - - - 90 10 0
Saito et al. 1994 720 households All crops, male-managed
plots hours 1600 17 83 40 54 6
All crops, female-managed
plots hours 2095 17 83 28 65 7
Nigeria
Saito et al. 1994 750 households All crops, male-managed
plots hours 2034 13 87 40 48 12
All crops, female-managed
plots hours 2778 10 90 31 55 14
-10-

Table 2 cont...
Country and study No. of Crops Total Labor Input Total Total
Households Hired family Family Labor
units Number Labor Labor Men Women Children(percent of total labor) (percent of family labor)
Nepal
Kumar and Hotchkiss 118 households person-days
1988 per hectare
Wheat 177 10 90 49 51 -
Maize 186 15 85 48 52 -
Early paddy 228 7 93 51 49 -
Paddy 318 15 85 61 39 -
Ragi 288 5 95 41 59 -
Mustard 130 19 81 44 56 -
Blackgram 174 28 72 43 57 -
Southeast Asia
Philippines
Res 1985 25 households Rice hours per year 796 42 58 90 10 -
Bouis and Kennedy
1989 448 households Maize hours per hectare
Sugarcane farmer per year 103.4 43 57 52 11 37
Non sugarcane farmer 96.4 36 64 63 14 23
Sugarcane 108.8 72 28 53 9 38
Latin America
Guatemala
von Braun, Hotchkiss
and Immink 1989 160 farms Cooperative members person-days
per hectare
Maize 119 55 45 85 9 6
Export vegetables 890 36 64 62 28 10
Traditional vegetables 416 28 72 61 25 14
Peru
Deere and
Leon de Leal 1982 105 households hours employed4727 29 71 75 25 -
-I ,

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Despite legal reform, loopholes in legislation prevent equalization of inheritance rights. In
particular, laws reforming women's right to succession in India did not mention agricultural lands
and tenancy laws, such that in a majority of Indian states, legislation gives female heirs a very low
priority in the list of heirs to agricultural lands. In Islamic law, women's land ownership rights are
explicit, but they do not always control de facto land use. Furthermore, Islamic law limits the share
to female heirs to one-half of that given to males. Daughters may also receive their share of the
inheritance in the form of household goods and jewelry, but not in land or farm implements.
2.03 In some Southeast Asian countries, however, customary law gives women
independent land rights. In Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, women can own, inherit,
acquire, and dispose of property in their own right (Wijaya, 1985; Wazir 1987). Among ethnic
groups which have bilateral kinship, which account for the majority of the Indonesian population,
customary law (adat) gives sons and daughters shares to property from both parents (Wazir 1987;
White 1976). Despite provisions for equality of inheritance between sons and daughters in civil law,
actual practice may differ. Philippine law gives women the right to hold property in their own
namne, but income from the wife's pre-marriage property is considered conjugal income whose use
is subject to the husband's consent. Although tenancy law gives priority first to the wife, and then
the children, according to age, in succession of tenancy rights (Yorac), sons typically receive land
in tenant families (Takahashi 1974; Umehara 1979). In Philippine rice villages, daughters typically
receive less land and nonland assets than sons (Quisumbing 1994b).
Usufruct rights
2.04 Under customary law in many African countries, women usually had usufruct rights
to some land; it was allocated to women from their husbands and natal families based on their
position within a kinship group and, in particular, on their relationship to a male relative (father,
brother, husband). These rights entitled women to farm the land, often in exchange for labor on
their husbands' and other family plots (Saito et al. 1994; Dey 1985). However, these indigenous
customs have- been modified by Westem colonization which introduced private ownership by
individual registration of land, and which often discriminated against women in titling.
Furthermore, since women obtained land rights usually through a male relative, there was no
guarantee that she would retain these rights in the case of death or divorce. In Kenya, Malawi,
Nigeria, Tanzania, and Zambia, female-headed households (FHH) have smaller landholdings than
do male-headed households (MHH) (Table 6). FHH's land cultivated ranges from 31 to 74 percent
of land cultivated by MHH. Family size is also smaller in female-headed households, due to the
absence of the male head. As a result, land cultivated per person does not differ much between
MHHs and FHHs, although this ratio is lower for FHHs.
2.05 Absence of formal land rights and smaller land sizes cultivated by women may be
critical since land is usually needed as collateral in credit markets. A farm household survey in
Kenya and Nigeria (Saito et al. 1994) found that more male than female heads of households, and
more male than female farmers, were able to exercise their land rights fully (Table 7). The ability
of women to exercise the full range of land rights - to be able to sell or mortgage the land - may
be essential to the functioning of land markets. While these rights may evolve from systems of
communal control to individualized rights in response to commercialization and population pressure
(Mighot-Adholla et al. 1991), in more monetized and market-oriented economies, land tenure
security and the exercise of these rights may acalaly have a positive productivity impact (Feder
et al. 1988).
-18-

Tools and Farm Implements
2.06 Female farmers generally own fewer tools than men, as shown by data from three
African countries in Table 8. In a Gambian irrigated rice project area, 8 percent of men owned a
plow, compared to none of the women. Less than one percent of women owned a seeder, weeder,
or multipurpose cultivation implement, compared to 27 percent, 12 percent, and 18 percent of the
men, respectively (von Braun et al. 1989). A household survey in three districts of Kenya found
that women farmers had lower values of farm tools and equipment than male farmers (Saito et al.
1994). On the average, women had only 18 percent of the value of male farmers' tools and
equipment, and this was as low as 7 percent in Kakamnega district. If farm capital contributes
positively to yields, then female farmers are more likely to have lower yields than male farmers.
Table 6. Size of holdings by gender of farm manager or household head, selected African countries
Area cultivated Family size Area per person
Country and year Male Female Male Female Male Female
Kenya 19 7 3a.b 1.8 1.2 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a.
Kenya 1989cd 2.6 1.7 8.6 8.0 0.3 0.21
Malawi 1983-84c d 1.3 0.9 4.9 4.0 0.26 0.22
Malawi 1986c.d 1.9 1.4 n.a. n.a. n.sa. n.a.
Nigeria 1 9 8 9 c,d 2.6 0.8 7.6 4.9 0.34 0.16
Tanzania 1984a'd 2.7 1.4 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a.
Zambia 1 9 8 2ad 11.5 4.9' 7.4 4.5 1.55 1.09
Zambia 1986 ' 4d'e6.8 3.0- 3.5 1.7... 1.94 1.76
Notes: ' Area in acres
b By gender of farm manager
c Area in hectares
d By gender of household head
e Family size in adult-equivalents
Significant differences between means at a = 10%
Significant at a = 5 %
*-- Significant at a =1%
Sources: Kenya 1973 from Moock (1976); Kenya 1989 and Nigeria 1989 from Saito et al. (1994), Malawi 1983-84
from Segal (1986); Malawi 1986 from Phiri (1986); Tanzania 1984 from Mollel (1986); Zambia 1982 from Due
and White (1986); Zambia 1986 from Sikapande (1988)
-19-

Table 8. Farm Tools and Equipment by Gender of Farmer
Implement or type of technology Men Women
Gambia 1987'
Percent owning the tool
Plow 8.2 0.0
Seeder 26.9 0.6
Weeder 12.4 0.2
Multipurpose implement b 18.1 0.4
Kenya 1989c
Value of tools and equipment as percent of male
farmers'
tools and equipment 100.0 6.8
Kakamega 100.0 132.3
Muranga 100.0 64.1
Kilifi 100.0 17.8
Overall mean
"von Braun, Puetz and Webb (1989)
An animal-drawn implement convertible for plowing, weeding, and groundnut lifting
Saito et al. (1994)
-21-

Credit
2.09 Lack of access to credit, both formal and informal, has important implications on the
ability to smooth consumption and undertake productive activities. Where agricultural production
requires lumpy equipment or cash inputs, credit makes possible the purchase of these inputs before
income gains are realized. Credit is particularly important during the planting season when seeds
and cash inputs have to be purchased, and in the lean season before harvest as stocks for
consumption are depleted. Credit may also be essential to smoothing consumption in case of crop
failure or drought.
2.10 It has been argued that female farmers have less access to credit than male farmers.
Evidence from Kenya and Cote d'Ivoire suggests that women have a lower likelihood of borrowing
from formal sources and even from other individuals (Appleton et al. 1991). Holt and Ribe (1991)
argue that collateral requirements, high transactions costs, limited education and mobility, social and
cultural barriers, and the nature of women's business limit women's ability to obtain credit.
Property which is acceptable as collateral, especially land, is usually in men's name, and the types
of valuables women have (e.g. jewelry) are often deemed unacceptable by formal financial
institution. The transactions costs involved in obtaining credit - transportation costs, paper work,
time spent waiting, may be higher for women due to higher opportunity costs from foregone
activities. Indeed, in rural Kenya, distance to a bank is a significant determinant of women's
probability of obtaining credit, but does not affect men's borrowing behavior (Saito et al. 1994).
Women's lower educational levels relative to men and their lack of familiarity with loan procedures,
and social and cultural barriers may constrain their mobility and interaction with predominantly
male credit officers or moneylenders. Exclusion from local groups, e.g. farmers' groups, may
prevent women from receiving both credit and extension advice, particularly if the extension worker
plays an important role in credit delivery. Women also tend to be involved in the production of
relatively low-return crops. In Kenya, for example, coffee and tea growers are more likely to borrow
from the formal sector than from other individuals. Since women are less likely to grow tree crops,
formal sector lending to particular crops could indirectly discriminate against women.
2.11 Rashid and Townsend (1992) argue that the above reasons are not sufficient for
women to be credit constrained. If household incomes were pooled and women and men had equal
bargaining power within the households, constraints due to limited collateral, mobility, and
education could be overcome by other household members' obtaining loans and turning them over
to women. Women's low formal market participation and high informal market participation are
not sufficient for them to be credit constrained overall, since women can transact in informal
markets and have access to other sources of insurance and credit. However, men and women do
not always have equal bargaining power in the household, and individual incomes are not always
pooled, as a growing body of literature suggests (Schultz 1990; Thomas 1990). It is also possible
that women may have lower probabilities of obtaining credit even in the informal market, as in Cote
d'Ivoire (Appleton et al. 1991). Rashid and Townsend (1992) argue that women may be credit
constrained because their role as primary caregivers and the health risks associated with
childbearing leads to intermittency in employment which makes them risky clients for banks.
Furthermore, social customs in some cultures prohibits women from receiving information from
outside lenders - which would be important if information is not fully transmitted from husband
to wife. Under these conditions of imperfect information and barriers to access, credit or insurance
delivery systems need to be designed to overcome women's constraints.
-23-

Domestic Responsibilities
2.12 In most societies, women's role as primary caregivers may limit the time they spend
outside the home, in market work, or in leisure. Rural women are heavily involved in home
production activities, which include child care, food preparation, and hauling fuel and water. In
Africa, women may spend as much as two hours a day on child care, three hours on food
preparation, and two hours fetching fuel and water. In rural Asia, food processing activities take
up two to three hours daily, and in rural Bangladesh, women may spend as long as six hours a day
fetching water (McGuire and Popkin 1990).
2.13 Time allocation studies also show that pregnancy and child care activities reduce
women's participation in market activities, although daughters or other female adults in the
household often substitute for mother's time in housework. The substitution of daughters' time in
housework, if at the expense of time spent in school, may have unfavorable consequences for the
next generation's human capital. Cultural traditions of seclusion may also limit women's
participation in activities outside the home.
3. GENDER DIFERENCES IN AGRICULTURALPRODUCT1VIVX
3.01 Women's limited control over productive resources and gender-specific constraints
have important consequences for agricultural productivity. Econometric evidence on gender
differences in agricultural productivity points to the importance of investing in women by increasing
their human capital, through education and extension, and by increasing their access to physical and
financial inputs. The econometric evidence is drawn from four types of studies: 1) production
function-based estimates of technical efficiency differences; (2) estimates of labor productivity
differences; (3) individual (gender-disaggregated) labor supply and earnings functions; and (4)
studies of the determinants of technological adoption.
Technical Efficiencv of Male and Female Farmers
3.02 Estimates of gender differences in technical efficiency are usually based on the
production function approach. A production function is a technical relationship between inputs and
outputs which specifies the maximum level of output possible given input levels. Technical
efficiency reflects the ability of a manager to produce output, given input levels and technology.
Most studies on differences in technical efficiency between male and female farmers found
insignificant dummies for the gender of the farm manager or household head (Table 11). That is,
female farmers are equally efficient as male farmers, once individual characteristics and input levels
are controlled for.
3.03 Three studies for Kenya found that the gender of the farm manager was an
insignificant determinant of output per hectare (Moock 1976; Bindlish and Evenson 1993; Saito et
al. 1994). Moock's (1976) study of 152 maize farmers in Kenya's Vihiga district found that the
female farmer dummy was positive but insignificant. Female farmers, who made up about a third
of the sample, tend to make better use of labor on maize farms than men. However, men's yields
were higher in more closely-planted farms. Extension contact tended to benefit men but not
women, especially if the male farmer was not too well educated. Extension service thus appears to
vThis section is drawn from Quisumbing (1994a), which also has a more detailed review of the methodology.
-24-

Table 12 (continued)
Study Crop Male Labor Marginal Male Female Labor Marginal Female Ratio of Ratio of
Category Product of Daily Category Product of Daily Female to Female to
Male Labor Wage Female Wage Male Male
Labor Marginal Wages
Product
(A) (B) (A)+(B) (D) (C)+(D) (C)+(A) (D)+(B)
(C) _
India
Laufer 1985 Sorghumd Hours of 1.55 0.40 3.88 Hours of 0.84 0.22 3.82 0.54 0.55
Legumesd men's labor 1.02 0.40 2.55 women's labor 0.79 0.22 3.59 0.77 0.55
Riced 3.14 0.40 7.85 1.53 0.22 6.95 0.48 0.55
Peru
Jacoby 1990 Total Output Adult Male 0.44 0.72 0.61 Adult Female 0.28 0.52 0.53 0.64 0.72
labora labora
a = Value of Marginal Product; calculated from basic data in Saito et al.(1994)
b = Calculated from insignificant parameter estimates
c = Not available or not reported
d = Marginal Products calculated from consistent estimators
e = Estimated from translog specification
-31-

3.07 Even in the rice-based "male" farming systems of Thailand and Korea, where
agricultural decisionmaking is primarily vested in the male head, gender of the household head does
not significantly affect output (Jamison and Lau 1982). 2 Men do have an advantage in mechanized
Korean farms. This may be due to skill or strength requirements in the use of mechanical power,
and may be specific to the type of mechanical traction used. In other East Asian countries (e.g.
Japan), women have been able to make use of small-scale machines, especially in transplanting and
harvesting.
3.08 The other exception which shows a negative female farmer dummy is Burkina Faso
(World Bank 1992; Bindlish, Evenson, and Gbetibuou 1993). Yield regressions show that women
farmers are significantly less productive than men in most crops and have yields which are about
8 percent lower. The negative female farmer dunmmy may be due to cultural, religious, and ethnic
differences between Burkina Faso and Kenya, rather than to differences in the extension system.
Although Burkina Faso has inherited French-style institutions where agricultural extension has been
an activity of parastatal organizations, the extension service is now shifting over to the T & V
system, similar to Kenya and many African countries. However, cultural differences may inhibit
women from more active roles. Fewer farm households are headed by women in Burkina Faso.
Moreover, a woman comes under the authority of another male family member when her husband
is away. Nevertheless, a significant proportion of the plots farmed are managed by women. Women
usually are plot managers of food crops, sorghum, and millet, even in households headed by men.
Differences in Labor Productivity
3.09 Table 12 presents estimates of the marginal products of male and female labor from
production function studies which disaggregated labor inputs by gender. Labor productivitv is
affected bv differences in the division of labor across crops and tasks, and differential availability
of male and female hired labor. In countries where women are culturally constrained from
participating in farm work, women tend to have lower marginal products of labor. In Peru (Jacoby
1992), for example, women's marginal productivity is two-thirds that of men's. Women in upland
areas of Peru tend to be casual rather than regular farm workers, and to spend more time on
average in household and nonfarrn business activities than in farmwork. In India, Laufer (1985)
found that the marginal product of men's labor was higher than women's in all crops. In both Peru
and India, however, the ratios of marginal products were in line with ratios of relative wages,
indicating that farmers do allocate male and female labor efficiently.
3.10 Limited access to complementarv inputs also reduces women's labor productivity.
In the Gambia (von Braun and Webb 1989), women in a centralized pump irrigation area exhibited
lower average labor productivity than men in the same crops and broad technology groupings,
because of reduced access to labor-saving implements and their time constraints which allowed them
to cultivate only smaller pieces of land, leading to diseconomies of scale.
3.11 Labor scarcity seems to be more strongly linked to higher marginal products of labor
than gender per se. In Nepal, Kumar and Hotchkiss (1988) found that the marginal product of
women's labor was higher in dry season crops like wheat, maize, and mustard, when their traditional
12In contrast to the high percentage of female-headed households in Africa, only 10.5percent of households in the Korean
sample are headed by women, and an even smaller 1.1 percent in the Thai sample.
-32-

tasks of fetching wood reduce time away in agricultural production. Men's marginal products were
higher in paddy cultivation, where male labor is a constraining factor.
3.12 The impact of labor scarcity can also be felt when mnale and female labor is
differentially available during peak season. In Kenya and Nigeria (Saito et al. 1994), while marginal
product ratios of male and femnale family labor are in line with relative wages, the marginal product
of female hired labor is several times higher than the marginal product of male hired labor (Table
12). It can be expected that the marginal product of hired labor is higher than that of faniuly labor,
since families would tend to drive their own marginal products to zero and hire labor only in
periods of peak demand when family labor is insufficient. Thus, labor shortages in peak season
would not be inconsistent with a general labor-surplus situation. However, this does not explain why
the additional female hired worker is more productive. If women were constrained from working
in others' farns, due to cultural constraints or domestic responsibilities, hired female labor would
be more scarce, and an additional unit, more productive.
3.13 Since relative marginal products depend on the gender division of labor, and, in
general, farm managers do allocate labor according to ratios of relative wages, it may be more
relevant to examine the determinants of rural wages. If wages reflect the marginal productivity of
labor, an analysis of wage determinants could identify instruments for raising labor productivity and
earnings.
Determinants of Rural Wares
3.14 Rural wages depend on individual characteristics (education, experience), family
characteristics (number of male and female workers, landholding, farm equipment, housing
indicators), and community characteristics (distance to the village, presence of rural industry,
average wages and prices, seasonality, location). Since wealth and nonlabor income may also affect
the probability that an individual will participate in the labor market, an analysis of wage
determinants needs to correct for sample selection if participation in the labor market is not
random (Heckman 1979). Studies on the determinants of rural wages also provide evidence on
rates of return to education for men and women (Table 13).
3.15 In general, the studies find that whereas returns to schooling for both men and
women are higher in nonagricultural occupations, they are significant in dvnamic agricultural
settings where modern technologies have been introduced. In traditional agricultural societies,
wages may depend more on local market characteristics than on an individual's human capital. For
example, in India during the early 1970s, Rosenzweig (1980) found that village level variables
(weather, presence of factory and small-scale industries, village size, distance of residence from
village, and presence of an agricultural development project) and the district-level average male
wage were more important determinants of male wages than schooling. In fact, the rate of return
to an additional year of male education is only 1 percent and is not significant. While the rate of
return to an additional year of schooling for women is about 2 percent, neither is it significant.
Rather, the size of the village, distance of the household to the village, and the average district-level
femrale wage are significant determinants of female wages. The importance of local market
conditions suggests that labor is not perfectly mobile geographically in rural India, and wage rates
are not greatly affected by human capital attributes in nonsalaried, private sector occupations which
characterize rural labor markets. In contrast, schooling is highly correlated with salaried or
govermnent jobs, whose computed mean wage rates are higher than those observed in rural areas.
-33-

most able men in rural regions-and most able women in all areas - are likely to select wage
employment.
3.20 After controlling for the effects of unobserved household characteristics, returns to
male education increase at all levels but returns to women's education decrease at secondary and
postsecondary levels. The fixed effects estimates yield an 11 percent rate of return to male
schooling at the primary level (compared to 37 percent for females); 17 percent at the secondary
level (compared to -2 percent for females); and 42 percent at postsecondary levels (and 26 percent
for females). This disparity indicates that, in rural areas, parents mnay have reasons for investing
less in daughters than in sons, although for the country as a whole, the private rate of return is
higher for women.
3.21 Jacoby's (1988) study of the Peruvian Sierra uses marginal products of male and
female labor obtained from an estimate of the agricultural production function as proxies for
shadow wages. Education increases both male and female wages, although returns to experience
are not significant. Private rates of return to schooling are 11 percent for rnales and 16 percent for
females, evaluated at the sample mean levels of education of 3.5 and 1.7 years for males and
females, respectively. The number of workers of the same sex decreases the return to an additional
unit of male or female labor, while the presence of complementary inputs - land, farm animals, and
farm equipment - increases it.
3.22 Alba (1992) estimates wage functions for rural Guatemala which include measures
of innate ability, numeracy, and verbal aptitude in addition to schooling as alternative measures of
human capital. After correcting for sample selectivity, the rate of return on schooling was 5.2
percent, but only almost significant at 10 percent. Female wages are about 65 percent less than
male wages. While women enjoy equal access to wage paying jobs, they have linmited opportunities
to enter high paying jobs or else enter occupations where wages remain stagnant. When measures
of innate ability and family background were incorporated, the rate of return to schooling increased
to 6.1 percent and the differential between male and female wages decreased to 63 percent.
3.23 The results of the above studies confirm that returns to schooling are higher, and
individual characteristics more important in determining wages, in areas where agriculture has
benefitted from technological change. In contrast, in areas where labor market participation of
women is limited or constrained by cultural factors, as in rural Peru and Guatemala, returns to
female schooling are low, and women receive significantly lower wages than men. These generally
lower returns for females in these settings may be one reason why parents invest less in their
daughters' education.
-35-

Table 13: Estimates of Returns to Schooling for Rural Men and Women
Study Estimation Schooling Males Females
Method Category l
India
Rosenzweig 1980 Ordinary least squares Years of Schooling 0.10 0.02
l _________________ ___________________ (0.83) (1.30)
Mukhopadhyav
1991 Semilog with selecivity Years of Schooling 0.0161. 0.0352 l
correction for wage (3.39) (3.21)
earner status
Philivpines
Behrman and Semilog with selectivity Years of Schooling 0.084. 0.067"
Lanzona 1989 correction for Wet Season (6.2) (4.0)
contractual and fixed
wages Dry Season 0.105. 0.070
(6.4) (4.0)
Peru
Khandker 1990 Ordinary Least Squares Prinary 0.05 0.05
(1.56) (0.63)
Secondary 0.06 0.10
(2.26) (1.11)
Postsecondary 0.21 0.20
(2.29) (1.30)
Maximum Likelihood Primary 0.06 0.08
(1.63) (0.83)
Secondary 0.09- 0.13
(2.60) (1.11)
Postsecondary 0.26 0.27
(3.51) (1.02)
Household Fixed-Effects Primary 0.1 1.. 0.37
(3.20) (5.73)
Secondary 0.17"- -0.02
(3.46) (0.26)
Postsecondary 0.42 0.26
(3.27) (1.66)
Jacoby 1988 Ordinary Least Squares Years of .107 .155
Schooling'
Calculated at sample means. t-statistics were not reported
*-- Significant at 1%
Significant at 5%
Significant at 10%
-36-

Gender Differences in Technological AdoRtion
3.24 In some countries, especially where new technologies are associated with "male" crops
or activities, women may be less likely to adopt new crops or technologies. This may matter more
in some cultures than others: female decisionmakers are less likely to adopt coffee in Kenya and
livestock in Tanzania, but are equally likely to have cattle in Kenya and to grow coffee or cocoa in
Cote d'Ivoire (Appleton et al. 1991). Female farmers in Zambia are less likely to use oxen in
cultivation (Jha et al. 1991), plowing being traditionally a male activity. However, women may more
readily adopt technologies related to tasks they perform, particularly if the extension agent is
female. Evidence from Kenya suggests that female farmers are equally likely to apply technical
advice from extension agents, and are even more likely to adopt relatively complex practices such
as top dressing, chemical use, and stalk borer control (Bindlish and Evenson 1993). Another study
from Kenya (Saito et al. 1994) indicates that female farmers are more likely to adopt improved seed
and use agrochemicals. In Nigeria, while male farmers are more likely to use insecticide, male and
female farmers are equally likely to use fertilizer.
3.25 Despite the mixed evidence on technological adoption by gender, most of the studies
find that more educated farmers are more likely to adopt new technologies. More educated
females, in particular, are also more likely to adopt coffee in Kenya. Increasing the educational
level of female farmers by giving them universal primary education has higher marginal effects on
the probabilities of adoption than increasing the educational level of all farmers, due to the
generally lower levels of female education in Africa (Burger and Gunning, 1992, personal
communication) (Table 14). A ten percent increase in the percentage of women having completed
primary schooling leads to a 6 percent increase in early adoption, and a 14 percent increase in late
adoption. Increasing female education also has higher impact on adoption than increasing land
sizes - a ten percent increase in arable land increases early adoption only by 2 percent, and late
adoption by 6 percent.
3.26 Providing universal primarv education stimulates early adoption by female farmers.
whom other women are more likely to imitate. Other simulations by Burger and Gunning suggest
that female decisionmakers are unresponsive to increased earlier adoption by male farmers. This
is consistent with other findings that previous awareness and adoption of the technology, particularly
by farmers of the same sex, also increased the probability of adoption. The significance of gender-
specific copying effects highlights the need not only for female extension agents to work with female
farmers, but also for female contact farmers to be chosen. The importance of cooperatives and
extension in many of these studies emphasizes the need for provision of support infrastructure to
rural areas.
3.27 Most of the studies reviewed also suggest that farmers with larger areas cultivated
and higher values of farm tools are more likely to adopt new technology. To the extent that women
farmers may have less education, less access to land and own fewer tools. they MEa be less likely
to adopt new technologies.
3.28 Differences of male and female farmers in technological adoption can not be
ascertained in farming systems where men and women do not mnanage separate plots. In two
studies of the differential adoption of high-yielding varieties in India and the Philippines, the
suitability of land for high yielding varieties, the proportion of irrigated land, and male and female
wages were significant determinants of the area planted to HYVs (Mukhopadhyay 1991; Behrman
-37-

and Lanzona 1989). A number of differences emerge in the two studies. In the West Bengal study,
male and female schooling were not significant determinants of technological adoption, whereas
adoption of modem varieties, tractor use, and use of direct seeding were positively related to male
and female schooling in the Philippines. This may be because schooling exerts a more powerful
impact on adoption in areas with more rapid technological change.'4
3.29 In the Western Highlands of Guatemala, von Braun, Hotchkiss and Immink (1989)
find that the probability of export crop production is positively related to farm size and negatively
affected by the proportion of women in the household's labor force. Controlling for the total labor
force of the household and the (male) head's human capital, the share of women's labor in the total
significantly reduces the probability of growing export vegetables. This could be because adoption
of the new crop is primarily a male decision, consistent with larger differentials between male and
female education in Guatemalan Indian agricultural areas compared to the rest of mestizo Latin
America.
Table 14. Effects of providing primary education and increasing arable land on coffee adoption,
Kenya
Actual Base case Primary Primary education 10% more
Adoption simulation education for all heads arable land
for female heads
Male
early 37 11 11 16 11
late 25 53 55 48 50
Female
early 2 0 0 0 0
late 4 2 8 8 2
Male total 62 64 66 64 61
Female total 6 2 8 8 2
Total 68 66 74 72 63
Source: Berger and Gunning (1992) personal communication
14Only 33 percent of the rice area in the West Bengal study was planted to modern varieties, compared to an average
of 83 percent in the Philippine sample. Education is more important in dynamic agricultural environments because of higher
returns to farm managers' entrepreneurial ability in adjusting to new disequilibria associated with agricultural innovations
(Welch 1970; Schultz 1964).
-38-

demand. When there is a growing supply of landless women's labor, women will only benefit from
productivity increases that are accompanied by increased labor demand. In addition, whether
technical change benefits women depends on their control over resources. Women in farm
households who have some control over income from land will benefit from any type of technical
change in agriculture. This is because they will reap the returns from increased productivity of both
household labor and land (ignoring intrahousehold distribution). For women in landless households
whose only resource is labor, neutral or labor-using technical change in agriculture will raise demand
for their labor as well as their productivity, but labor-saving technical change will reduce their
employment opportunities (Unnevehr and Stanford 1985).
Adoption of Modem Rice Varieties in Asia.
4.06 Early studies on the adoption of MVs have shown that these have been more rapidly
adopted in irrigated and favorable rainfed environments, bypassing marginal environments where
farmers have tended to be poorer (David and Otsuka 1990). In most of Asia, increased output due
to multiple cropping increased the demand for labor in crop establishment (seedbed preparation
and transplanting), crop care (weeding), harvesting and post-harvest processing. In most Asian
countries, labor use of MVs was higher than those of TVs in terms of days per hectare, and labor
productivity, measured by kilograms of paddy per day, has also been higher in MV cultivation
(Barker and Herdt 1990). Where labor was scarce in the short run (e.g. the Muda Valley in
Malaysia), increased demand for labor from the shift to double cropping increased wage rates,
although interregional migration of landless workers from unfavorable to favorable production
envirorments might have led to wage equalization in the long run (Otsuka, Cordova, and David
1990). However, the spread of MVs has often preceded the adoption of labor-saving technology
such as tractors and direct seeding. Thus, while the MV technology is by itself either neutral or
labor-using, the net effect may be labor-saving.
4.07 In the long run, environmental conditions related to water control are more
important than economic factors in explaining cross-sectional differences in MV adoption (David
and Otsuka 1990). While MVs may have indirectly promoted tractorization by raising the
profitability of irrigation investments, the increase in cropping intensities, even with tractorization,
increases labor use per hectare per year. Relative factor prices seem to be a more important
determinant of the adoption of labor-saving technologies, suggesting that government policies which
artificially reduce the cost of machines and herbicides through the overvaluation of the domestic
currency and credit subsidies promote technologies inconsistent with resource endowments in labor-
surplus economies.
4.08 The imnact of MV adoption on women depends on the gender division of labor in
rice farming prior to the introduction of the new technology. nonagricultural earnings opportunities,
and existing land tenure patterns. In the Philippines and Indonesia, and parts of India, the
increased labor requirements for transplanting and weeding, which are traditionally women's tasks,
were met by hired female laborers from landless households, as women in landed households have
tended to move out of agricultural labor into more lucrative nonagricultural occupations (in the
Philippines and Indonesia) and provide supervision rather than labor in farm production (Unnevehr
and Stanford 1985). In West Bengal, where the new technology uses a higher proportion of male
to female labor, women from land-owning households reduced time in agriculture and increased
-40-

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_______________________________________
-v~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ . ....... 8

Bbox4. Lack:of :Atention. to Women's :Rolesin Cameio Riie Project
The SEMRYirrigate rice proect in nrther Cmeoopanetogeabu ~2',8001 faiiesared
-farm - i n-. in h e irigated plot,iof i e 5h. -: i.iC. - e . i, i a a e t t a odconinue
to farm lads e whsu cr u t p- ject bounary
Ap-ras M' fthe first prjet of bn g but o
ge0'nderdiison f abr b copan-. byf-lle .mgw' Despit Bl '.:e therdconi sorhu prdcin- h roectIas :suess.tfl000-j-000-.000"; ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~.... S''t'..l.00,S .'0 ,-i0.' .. ,-- .....;;0.XX ... .. ...
'nF Appraisal: of thie second.-SEMRY -project in 1977 paid ;attention Eto thle need yto increase esubsistence crop
-0 gyields, bu did knotconside.r the ..gender divi sion.of ;laborin the farming. system.Howve.ir, wmen were includedin
a:00; iproect romponent:'designed toimp rove. mae'a and child hea th'.. ';i0'';0'::i::D";E:-0 02;;d:-.' !S::0;$:.'tt:;:t:::
4.17 As Boxes 3 and 4 illustrate, m any agricultural projects have been designed and
implemented without a sufficient understanding of women's roles in agriculture. The failure to
consider women's roles in the design of rice development projects has had three detrimental
consequences. First, there was a loss of adaptive efficiency from not taking women's operational
knowledge into account. Second, there was a reduction of women's bargaining power within the
household as well as an increase in work. Finally, adoption rates were lower due to women's lack
of access to technology and training and to a failure by the proponents of the technology to address
women's time constraints (Dey 1985).
ntroduction of Other Crops. in Africa
4.18 In other attemnpts to introduce new technologies in other African countries, where
only men had direct access to the imE roved technologies, there was either loss of women's crop
production role to men or an improvement in crops grown by men and not previously grown by
women (Kurnar 1987:142). While there may have been a short-run decrease in women's incomes
and an increase in their labor input, long-run effects were not necessarily unfavorable. When cocoa
was introduced in Western Nigeria, it became a men's crop and women's traditional obligation to
provide labor was extended to cocoa, subject to bargaining and remuneration. However, much
greater reliance was placed on male hired labor. Eventually, women decreased their time in food
production, but increased it in food processing, cloth making and trade. While self-subsistence in
food declined, food security did not.
4.19 In another case, women's independent incomes dropped when families migrated to
a resettlement area devoted to improved cotton and sorghum in Burkina Faso. In the resettlement
area, women did not have traditional rights to land, and their food crops were not included in the
program rotation. Husbands did give their wives informnal authority to cultivate part of the bush
fields. After five years, however, families had paid off initial debts, family size had increased with
the in-migration of additional family members, cash income was seven times higher, and grain yields
were two to three times higher than in the home villages. Much of the increase in yields was used
to guarantee consumption and to hire labor. The increase in hired labor enabled women to
-44-

to male control leads to reduced calorie consumption once income levels are controlled for.20 The
relative share of women in a sinkiro also contributes positively to calorie consumption, possibly
because of availability of female labor for food preparation, and the higher energy expenditure of
women in agricultural tasks. Increased access of women to new rice land reduced mother's weight
loss, but may have contributed to child morbidity since mothers tended to take children with them
to the rice fields.
4.24 Important lessons can be learned from this project's experience. The selection of
a "woman's crop" for promotion does not necessarily mean it will benefit women, especially if
women do not have access to cash inputs required to take advantage of the new technology.
Neither can projects guarantee protection of traditional production arrangements while
fundamentally changing the nature of production. Project experience also suggests that women are
more involved in independent cash crop production than generally acknowledged and would benefit
from increased access to inputs. Finally, it may be important to promote not only a single crop but
also rice and upland crops to reduce competition between men and women in rice production.
4.25 Tea and Potato Production in Rwanda. Cormmercialization of subsistence agriculture
in northwestern Rwanda is driven by the introduction of tea production, expansion of potato
production for the market, agricultural off-farm employment, and home production, usually brewing
of sorghum beer (von Braun et al. 1990). This area is characterized by a highly segmented rural
labor market in which women provide 71 percent of agricultural family labor, and men participate
mostly in off-farm employment. The introduction of tea has not substantially increased income
because of competition with other crops and high fixed costs per unit of output in existing tea
factories with excess capacity. However, tea production has increased women's employment, since
they are employed mostly in plucking tea leaves. Despite women's heavy involvement in agriculture,
there is a tendency for men to take over modern potato production, especially in the application
of fungicides.
2OVon Braun et al. (1989) estimate that a drop of women's share in cereal production from 30 percent (the sample mean)
to 10 percent (the share in many sinkiros with pump-irrigated rice) would reduce per capita calorie consumption by 2.2
percent in the wet season. To compensate this with a higher income would require an increase of 4.6 percent, which is less
than the 13 percent increase due to the new technology. Thus, the new technology has a net favorable effect on calorie
consumption.
-46-

Table 16. Selected coefficients, effects of commercialization and female control of income on household calorie consumption, various studiesa
Female income,
Country and Dependent Variable Income Variable headship, or human Commercialization or Demographic variables Price Variables Comments
Study capital variables subsistence variables
Gambia
(von Braun, Calorie consumption Total 1.59. Share of 321.84" Share of cash 67.74 Size of -16.59 Rice -572.39 Variables regarding the
Puetz and per AEPb per day in expenditure (7.22) cereals in (2.09) income to total (0.44) Sinkiro in (-1.95) price (-1.59) shares of children under
Webb 1989) wet season per AEP Sinkiroc income AEP 5, from 5-10, and 10-14
under in AEPs were not
Total -2.07x104. women's Share of 817.09 significant
expenditure (-5.32) control women in (1.82)
per AEP AEP
squared
Calorie consumption Total 0.95 Share of -57.30 Share of cash 556.30 Size of -36.76 Rice -635.95 Only the share of
per AEP per day in dry expenditures (3.34) cereals in (-0.26) income to total (1.71) Sinkiro in (-3.37) price (-2.03) children ages 10-14 in
season per AEP Sinkiro income AEP AEPs was positive and
under significant
Total -4.43xl05 women's Share of 1,478.37..
expenditure (-0.85) control women in (3.54)
AEP squared AEPs
Kenva
(Kennedy Total daily household Income per 2.2. Percent 18.6. Percent -31.4. No. of 2,278.
1989) calorie intake capita (6.2) women's (2.69) nonfarm income (2.89) AEPs (46.1)
income
Income per -1.43x10'4 Percent sugar -5974.00
capita (-4.20) income (-2.54)
squared
Rwanda
(von Braun, Calories per day per Ln total 1,243.08 Share of 5.122 Consumed own 5.22. Household -84.95. Price of -24.52"
de Haen and AEP expenditure (20.91) female (3.60) produced (3.71) size (-6.12) potatoes (-2.44)
Blacken per capita income to calories as
1989) total percent of total Share of 1,323.01 Ratio of -135.27
income calories children (8.66) potato to (-1.32)
under 5 sweet
years potato
price
t- statistics in parentheses
b/ Adult equivalent person
cd Sinkiro is a cooking and consumption group within a compound
Significant at a = .01
* Significant at a = .05
Significant at a = .10
-49-

Table 16. Selected coefficients, effects of commercialization and female control of income on household calorie consumption, various studies (cont)...
Female income,
Country and Dependent Variable Income Variable headship, or human Commercialization or Demographic variables Price Variables Comments
Study capital variables subsistence variables
Guatemala Calories available for Ln total 20446.41 Ratio of -1.685.12 Ratio of income 57.25 Household 1,747.34' Maize -82,424.88
(von Braun, consumption per day expenditures (2.66) female off (-0.97) from new cash (0.08) size (13.02) price (-5.77)
Hotchkiss in the household per capita farm in- crop to total
and Immnink come to income
(1989) total
expen-
Ln expendi- -1,328.33" diture Share of -6,627.55... Beef 505.48
tures squared (-2.07) children (-3.11) price (1.02)
under 5
a Adult equivalent person
Sb inkiro is a cooking and consumption group witihin a compound
Significant at a .01
Significant at a = .05
-Sn-

4.26 Food expenditures respond positively to increases in income (proxied by total
expenditure in Table 15) and to the share of own-produced food as a share of total expenditures.2"
On average, female-headed households spend 16 percent more than other families of the same
income level and demographic composition. Calorie consumption also responds positively to income,
to the share of calories which are own-produced, and the share of income controlled by women
(Table 16 ).2 Future attempts to promote commercialization should therefore try to preserve
women's income shares through the promotion of employment opportunities and through removing
constraints to the adoption of improved technologies for subsistence production.
4.27 Non-traditional Vegetable Production in Guatemala. Two studies on the adoption
of nontraditional export vegetables in the highlands of Guatemala have found that smallholder
export agriculture increases farm household incomes substantially, has favorable distributional
effects, and does not have detrimental effects on either subsistence production or nutrition (von
Braun, Hotchkiss and Immink 1989; Katz 1992). If land is sufficient, adoption of nontraditional
export crops may have important spillover effects on subsistence crops through the nitrogen-fixing
properties of snow peas, increased availability of chemical inputs (Katz 1992:13), and more intensive
cultivation of subsistence plots. While most of the labor is provided by men, and adoption of export
crops is primarily a male decision, nontraditional export crop cultivation has strong employment
effects, with the substantial share of increases in family labor provided by women.
4.28 Although both studies have similar conclusions, Katz's study also analyzes for its
analysis the intrahousehold effects of nontraditional export crop adoption, particularly on household
food expenditures.' In rural Guatemala, food purchases are usually a woman's decision, financed
from their own income, income transfers from their husbands, and contributions from older children
and other adults who are part of the household. The weekly food allowance from the husband
(called el gasto) accounts for a little over half of total food expenditures. To the extent that export
crop adoption increases male bargaining power, it may affect intrahousehold transfers, particularly
the food allowance.
4.29 The study finds that nonadopters, though poorer than adopters, provided wives with
slightly higher mean weekly allowances for food expenditures, although women had to sacrifice a
portion of their transfers if they earned an independent income. In adopting households, which
have higher incomes, the weekly food allowance is less responsive to changes in both husband's and
wife's incomes, making women's earnings potentially more important in the overall determination
of food expenditure levels. Indeed, in a regression of weekly cash food expenditures, the
independent positive contribution of female income to food expenditures is much stronger in export
crop adopting households than among non-adopters (Table 15). That is, in adopting households,
female income has a contribution over and above the total household income effect (which is
positive but insignificant) but no such independent effect is found among nonadopters.
2 1Since this is a cross-sectional survey,the study does not provide a real benchmark for the comparison of incomes before
and after commercialization.
22However, it can be argued that the share of income controlled by women and the share of calories which are own
produced are both endogenous, since they reflect current household (or individual) resource allocation decisions.
23This study also considers adoption of export crops as endogenous, and uses predicted adoption in subsequent
regressions, unlike the lFPRI studies which stratifies adopters and non-adopters exogenously.
-51-

4.30 Simulations on the effects of the net effect of the profit from an additional cuerda
of land planted to nontraditional export crops showed generally positive impacts on food
expenditures. Although increases in household income had a slightly negative effect on food
expenditures of adopting households, and husbands in adopting households had a lower marginal
propensity to transfer income gains to their wives, the absolute income increases from export
agriculture, combined with spillover effects on in-kind consumption and female income, were
generally sufficient to increase food expenditures.
4.31 Despite the absence of detrimental effects on nutrition or women's ability to generate
an independent income, Katz (1992: 23) expresses caveats regarding the intrahousehold impact of
export crop adoption. It is possible that women may absorb the costs of adopting export crops by
reducing time in non-remunerated activities (home production or leisure), and by compensating for
marginal reductions in food allowances by sacrificing other forms of female expenditures. In order
to enhance women's bargaining power within the household, she suggests that women should be able
to enter into export contracts in their own names, to join agricultural cooperatives, and to receive
technical assistance needed for growing export vegetables.
4.32 Shifts from Maize to Sugarcane in Kenya and the Philippines. There were major
differences in the gender impact of shifts from maize to sugarcane production in Kenya (Kennedy
1989) and the Philippines (Bouis and Haddad 1990). Although incomes of smallholder sugarcane
farmers substantially increased in both areas, the effects on women's involvement in agricultural
production and nutritional status were markedly different, due to fundamental differences in the
gender division of labor in agriculture in both farming systems and relative resource scarcities.
4.33 Kennedy's (1991) longitudinal study of smallholder sugar farmers in South Nyanza,
Kenya tracked new entrants into sugarcane production up to and following the first harvest, and
included a group of households relocated as a result of the sugar growing scheme and households
employed by and living on the sugar estate of the South Nyanza Sugar Factory. The study found
that real income per capita of new entrants was much higher than nonsugar farmers by 1,129 KSh,
with 38 percent of the incremental income coming from market production, and 41 percent from
production for home consumption. The increases in income had a significant effect on household
food security but only a modest one on calorie consumption per capita, since the income elasticity
of calorie consumption is only 0.15.
4.34 Different income sources had differential effects on calorie consumption (Table 16).
The share of nonfarm income and sugarcane income had negative impacts on calorie consumption,
while the share of women's income had a positive and significant effect on calorie intake. The
nonfarm income and sugarcane income effects offset the positive effects of higher household
income, and may be due to the nature of the income stream, and as well as male control of that
income. Sugarcane payments are usually lumpy, and lump-sum payments tend to be spent on
nonfood expenditures such as house improvements, school fees, and acquisition of capital.
Moreover, nonfarm income and sugarcane income are usually controlled by men, whose traditional
responsibilities are in the provision of the nonfood expenditures listed above. In contrast, much of
the agricultural production used for home consumption are from female plots - 60 percent of food
plots are controlled by women - and thus women's income has a positive effect on calorie
consumption.
-52-

Table 17. Land Acquisition by Gender in Households Surveyed in Kenya
and Nigeria
Nigeria Kenya
Male Female Male e
Heads of households % who obtained land by _
Purchase 8 12 24 27
Inheritance 56 50 30 45
Given by family 5 4 4 13
Allocated by village 14 13 4 2
Allocated by government - - 32 12
Rented 15 19 3 1
Members of households (excl. heads) % who obtained land by
Purchase 2 3 30 40
Inheritance 65 42 31 43
Given by family 8 22 6 7
Allocated by village 19 15 5 2
Allocated by government - - 25 4
Rented 6 15 1 2
Source: Saito et al. (1994)
4.42 Resettlement projects and irrigation schemes may have also altered the distribution
of land rights. Two examples mentioned above are the Jahally-Pacharr irrigated rice project in the
Gamnbia nd the SEMRY irrigated rice scheme in Cameroon. In Burkina Faso, planned settlement
areas managed by the Volta Valley Authority vested all title to land in the male household head,
such that women had to clear land outside the settlement to establish individual plots (Saito et al.
1994).2'
4.43 Much of the unintended results of land policies arose from planners' lack of attention
to traditional roles and obligations and non-pooling of incomes in African families, as well as
women's important role in agriculture. Neither were women's land rights considered in the majority
of land reforms in Latin America. Deere's (1985) review of thirteen Latin American agrarian
reforms finds that the majority have not produced significant numbers of female beneficiaries, or
even given attention to gender as a beneficiary category (Table 18). The exceptions are Cuba and
Nicaragua, where it was an explicit objective of state policy to include women. In Cuba, 26 percent
of 78,000 members of 1,400 production cooperatives are women; in Nicaragua, as of 1982, 20
percent of the production cooperatives and 60 percent of the credit and service cooperatives have
at least one woman member. However, in 1982, women represented only 6 percent of the total
27Current proposals to develop village land management plans do consider the issue of women's land rights.
-55-

cooperative membership of 64,891 (Deere 1985: 1040).
4.44 Legal, structural, and ideological mechanisms have excluded women from Latin
American agrarian reform programs. Since social custom dictates that if both an adult man and
an adult woman reside in a household, the man is considered its head (Deere 1985: 1041), the only
women who could possibly benefit from an agrarian reform program would be widows or single
mothers without an adult male in the household. Structural characteristics of the agricultural labor
force also mitigate against the inclusion of women. Many agrarian reforms have benefitted only the
permanent agricultural wage workers employed on estates at the moment of expropriation, excluding
the often large seasonal labor force from membership, of which women make up a large proportion.
The use of point systems which give priority to peasants with more education, larger family size, and
farming experience, as in Colombia, also discriminates against rural women, who have less education
than men, and whose farming experience is likely to be downplayed due to cultural stereotypes.
Ideological norms governing the proper sexual division of labor - the man's place is in the fields,
the woman's place is in the home- are also a barrier to women's benefiting from agrarian reform
in Latin America. Only in Mexico, Bolivia, and Honduras are female heads of households explicitly
included as potential beneficiaries. In contrast, in Cuba and Nicaragua, not only female household
heads, but also wives and daughters can qualify as agrarian reform cooperative members. Lastly,
agrarian reform may introduce changes in traditional patterns of land rights which were formerly
more equitable to women, such as the bilateral pattern of land inheritance in the Andean highlands.
Whereas women would have had independent rights to land under traditional inheritance customns,
these are replaced by agrarian reform laws in which only men have succession rights.
4.45 Even if men and women were deemed equal beneficiaries of land reform, differences usually
exist between formal and real land rights, as the experience of China suggests (Wazir 1987).
Although the Marriage Law guaranteed equal rights of men and women, it was not forcefully
implemented. Neither did formal equality of land ownership under the land reform loosen the hold
of traditional values, although having land rights increased the bargaining power of peasant women
within their households. When agriculture was collectivized, women were discriminated against
since they received lower workpoints than men, and their pay was usually added to the husband's
pay packet. The unequal allocations under collectivization affected the reallocation of collective
land after the 1978 agricultural sector reforms. Under the production responsibility system, land
for individual cultivation was allocated according to the size of the household labor force and
number of workpoints - restoring the bias against women in land rights.
-56-

4.57 Recruitment of female agents can be improved by increasing female enrollment in
agricultural colleges, abolishing unnecessary entry qualifications based on age and civil status,
providing separate boarding facilities where needed, and improving public relations to encourage
agricultural careers. To improve recruitment in rural areas, agricultural colleges could be located
there and agents recruited from specific geographical areas. The extension system could also recruit
women with agricultural degrees and diplomas, as has been done in India and Nepal, and which is
being tried in Turkey. Increasing the supply of female entrants into agricultural colleges depends
greatly on the pool of secondary school graduates, emphasizing the importance of female secondary
education.
4.58 Other rural agents (e.g. home economic and conmmunity workers) and less
academically qualified agents can also receive a short training on agricultural skills and subsequently
be integrated into a unified extension system with equal status and incentives for male and female
agents. In countries where mobility of women in limited, women can be assigned in pairs, provided
with appropriate transport, or recruited from the same area.
Box- 6.-, The Women il.Agr'cult 're",. (WIA) 'gr in Nige'i .
Pilot studies brought to the attention of government and donors the importance of women fanners and the
ineffectivenes: of the ex-tns syem ihelpigt h. Toreme y.sta , : Wom
.prpgrm was initit.e. Through ths 'pr gam,: many oft e ,ms had'detiled knowledge
.of rural women n wer fer n eir sparee, we sepaate(n
serice and gtyen: intensrve. tramningin agrirnnre .and. extension methodoIogy Little additional cost was.icurred:
because theHEagents 'er adyonhe yr. Tse aa to
:explai we .en,'s,farming actiitiesr to :ale agen andIre . T Mr adit, nal-lE -prgra durg n gte nonrowig,
season. e target :s t hve anadm intor a a SMS (rmi. a state headquart.ers n SS in eac zne ad
ani agent in each block( Cetl ifpossi e).-Th.ywrk re w s s ta o m age, ae
- ':agentsa o.havea t4 targetof20 to30 percent of feml conta t ers.. WIanagents'stme 7is spit into ercent field'! production a 30 percenta poi s and boreemicQ.
Th'De- WIprogram, wliich is -.ow. damntegrte tothe -.agricultaral:extesionservice 5provi es a broad!:spectrum f support 'orwormen armers inc'u"ig:'
I. -Skill elopment- .Centers w.h re .tools and mnt e
.* Smal PlotAdoption Techniques (testplots)areteted for.te fields ofal women contact firmers
.... -.Women'sgros aeecouraged toestabs wods, ltie >.m' .........g.d..o..sl . . y..r..for: soil. conservatiso
... --Oxenad dIn forploing and sport arepromoted.
Source: Saito et aLI(t94)
4.59 Despite these efforts, the number of female extension staff will not be sufficient to
reach female farmers in the short run. Thus, male agents must be trained to work with female
farmers using: (1) socially acceptable institutions as women's groups; (2) gender targeting, whereby
a female agent initially establishes contact with the group, and then turns it over to the male
extension agent; and (3) incentives integrated into the reward structure of the extension system.
4.60 The communication of extension messages to women can be improved in innovative
ways. These include using traditional women's groups (a cost-effective way of increasing the farmer-
agent ratio); using women as contact farmers, chosen by merit, farming experience, or
-61-

MC~~~~~~~~~~~~ ."1 -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~W...
~~~~~ ~~~~~S
~~~~~~~~~. .... ..... .....
.......
00 .1 : 1: 0- A.! 2
*~~~~~~~~~~~~~,P. , l: : . .a a- CD
I:d .... ....... . . .. .. .... Cb 0 C
.......... (I A-
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4 0< CD00
ba~~~~~~~~~~~~~
- ~~~~~~~~~~~~.. ..... ... ....
~~~~~~~~~~~. C ~ ~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4C
1::# 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
M:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:
_____________________~~~~~~~m.......... __ __
_ __
__ _
__

Box 9.. Income E g potities..for Wo n:m ' 'gricultural Specialties'
China: Sioandong Agricua Dveent, roject.(fiscal.1989).This projet eeksto 'increase rural..'.
incomes troughth deelopet f irton-.systems ,liestock:prod tion, d nariculture. One-third'f the.
project th-aeupgradngofsm lockprocn ad processing -istargetd mainly! to1omen. Ren o-f'
ma', livest'ck is-wdsread adainl.y a'fema occupation". (almost 1.00wonien i thie 'target area' maitamn
small anials) -.but levels: of technolo'gyaivestent-arelw. e roect. i ve:traiin
-45 female.e'nin rworsand ifenle va - t cins to irove access tv a n"
.':servtces for women. About 30on ill fdJ obs inew T proces es- d abt 3,
p rocessing' m aricultu p:r,-::.:-,,.,od ucts.
di:,a, National Senru oject fiscal 19e9). W.o provid aboutr60 nt .of the tetal or
input -mulbery tivtimon, silkorme e.-d 'rea , ar.nd rawsilkproduction,andtheydominate two 'c iic ae' f
sericulture: silkworrm. rnearng and cocoon reeling&. ,h . project-includ s aw vaietyof measures 'eto'.improve 'women
working conditions, reduce:health hazards, and:improve their ability to earJand controlincome.fro.m sericulture;-
it wil affect women in some 5 million households. E em sizes..extension advice for en
-more feimale subject- matter:: specialists andextension agents. It pr mot women7saccess to con markets, credit
.advanced technology,:and technical traiing :and itill increase :he. mployment ofwomen in sericultureagencies.
Th projec.also .,provides direct. support to non govemment n:.organza onsan ewomn'smgroupspromoing ie
participation of women and other imdrprvileged groupsin ser''i,ure.''...'
Source: World Bank 1989a; 1989b -
sericulturists access to land. In Jarnmu and Kashmir, efforts are being made for women to obtain
joint titleship to the mulberry garden if they have a "no objection letter" from the husband or
landowner. In Andhra Pradesh, women's access to land is being promoted under state land grant
schemes. In Karnataka, project funds were used to lease (not purchase) lands for women's groups.
Moreover, the local Departments of Sericulture have attempted to overcome attitudinal and
structural difficulties in strengthening women's land rights by preparing proposals to support land
development under the one-time assistance program for women's groups. Wherever men are willing
to transfer land to women, the registration costs for changes in deeds were included as part of the
support for women's group formation.
5.07 Obtaining land titles for female heads of households is a priority in the Chile Small
Farmer Services Project (SFSP). Chile's experience that farmers with secure land tenure more
readily accept new technology has motivated the targeting of rural land titling efforts to the most
difficult and neediest cases. Under a formal agreement between the Ministry of National Property
and the National Women's Service, the project would facilitate titling for female household heads,
using simplified legal procedures (World Bank 1992d).
5.08 It must be noted, however, that any projects which attempt to change the distribution
of land rights in favor of women may be met with resistance. For example, a suggestion that new
allocations of irrigated land in Mauritania be in joint names or split between the couple was not
generally thought to be acceptable, and would require much preparation and sensitization by very
good agents before allocation of the land (Spurling 1993:28).
Disseminating new technologies and income-earning opportunities
5.09 Technology transfer to women farmers and agricultural workers opens doors to new
-65-

the overall extension service (Yemen), with the possibility of mainstreaming into the regular
extension service in the future. Special provisions may be made to facilitate the delivery of
extension messages by female agents to women farmers, such as the training and placement of
female village group technicians to train women's groups, and training qualified and interested wives
of male agents to carry out extension functions on a part-time basis, as in the Turkey extension
project.
5.15 It is often difficult to recruit female agents for rural assignments. To improve work
conditions and mobility of female staff, most projects recruit in the local area, recruit in pairs, and
provide special allocations for transportation (e.g. a car and driver for every two female technicians)
and housing. To increase the pool of potential agents, programs have urged relaxing academic
qualifications and focused on retraining, not just home economics agents but also local community
leaders.
Improving access to credit and financial services
5.16 Linited ownership of assets which are acceptable as collateral and limited
information on past borrowing behavior - in large part due to non-participation in the formal credit
market--make it difficult for women to obtain credit on their own. Some promising approaches
have been tried to improve women's access to financial services.
5.17 In the India sericulture project, various states have adopted innovative ways of giving
women credit on their own. In Tamil Nadu, credit is being provided to women in their own names,
while in Karnataka, small loans are being granted to women without collateral. In Jammu and
Kashmir, women project participants are being allowed to use family lands as collateral.
Throughout the project area, DOS-supported women's self-help groups are also undertaking
voluntary saving (thrift) activities, and DOS technical support is helping women who would not
otherwise be considered creditworthy. To relieve the information constraint to lenders, in Andhra
Pradesh, the DOS is preparing separate reports on repayment records of women's loans. In the
Nigeria project, state Agricultural Development Projects (ADPs) have also assisted women's groups
in acquiring credit by preparing the commercial documentation and submitting applications on the
groups' behalf.
5.18 In Chile, the project includes complementary credit for working capital (seeds,
fertilizers) and investment (fencing, reproductive and draft animals, orchard establishment,
implements, on-farm storage) consistent with technology transfer initiatives. Credit is also being
provided to women in line with microenterprise development. The project would assist in
conducting feasibility assessments of women's proposals for credit assistance in fields like small
animal husbandry, fruit drying and packaging, and high value fruit and vegetable production.
Following credit approval, specialized technical assistance on technology and marketing would be
provided. Efforts are also being taken to liberalize women's access to INDAP (Agricultural
Development Institute) credit through the design of mechanisms which surmount collateral and
head of household constraints (passbook savings accounts, family borrowing with designated
recipients) and the use of flexible criteria for eligible productive activities. While the project would
not target credit specifically to women, lending to women would be mainstreamed within INDAP's
regular lending activities.
Improving access to employment opportunities, especially for the poor
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irrigation water. It aims to include 8,000 people in a typical year, or a total of 200,000 workdays
(25 days of work per person per year).
Box lO RuralPublic Wor Pograms i: South sia:
:.-;'--: SC.-,. -.. . -: :-
The.aharashii Employmient Gua.rantee- Sheme (EG&S) is,thm§ing'lelarg p'verty all' ev e
.-o'fany.state: inindia.b& Startmngfro a small baeini .96S,tb 'prgram gathered'momentum "I ' .ayeae.
annual attndance of bout.: 750,00 :pesn oethprid97to183.Fr1885 grs epoyet.::'- ... au te' of. ut~.-7Q. tor- ee7 ' .9 . i Y'm
a'mou etonerly180miion person da -s,or 3 percent f toa r e ment.
:istate govermet allocaions, the scheme providesunsilld i a nual-.labor.on.small scale. rural public worksprojects,
su-,s has.roads, irrigon%fclities, and rfe .
: 1 ...- : .o .:: --..- ii- : . , -. - . : - . . , -- , , -. .,, -
Self-select'on of t por is bulJ.nto he po 'b offi no 'chiceof wok b e wage
rate belowthe. prevailing aic l'wge ate, -and by effetively' ' ga-'e pyet at'the:e bk'lvel,
which may sometmes quire aperson to .:travel a on' disnce- for a ew idys of tempo:ray work. The high rtes-
of participation.of rural women inaEG are- at e to i rates for: ae and fem p
.convenient' laon,.of proje .sts d i.crechesO :wSuch ano on S. .sites.
The-' .'- Food .fori WorkP ogram W) inanladesh,i ..ntroduced' after. e 74.1 famine, bas. been
succes nditrbutg gat -let t70.pere ntoffood rais.to 'w. no eaies min rul ar es.P about
1miliopoflaborin 7 iontsfion mploym f e ess
-worker: Din Bangladesh. -The schiemie .organizes 'andi -pays (in kid) 'foir consruton .and mainteance of' irrgation,.
age, and embankment s.- A ev t ion of e P di aiirect ects
the FPWP has increed a.icultur poduiorndbynaverageof27 p d per aitah,ou income byi
- ,--IO,perce ..... .. .
During the 1975176,',project year, limited numbers uf Women, formal enCouragement, availd
employment opportunities -offered through the FW :P e,it976 Ministry of Relief and Rehabiion :RR.
announced a polcy to deliberatelyre rrut women: or'FF operations and to.pay atention to condit ons of feSmale
partzciation.. .
. Sources: 'Deolalikar. and:.Gaiha: i(1992), Ravallion (1990), B77S-IPP (1985) Ghnznavi (1977)
Relieving domestic and cultural constraints to women's participation
5.24 Domestic responsibilities - such as child care, food preparation, and fetching fuel
and water - are competing uses for women's time. Some projects have therefore included
components to increase women's participation by relieving women's time constraints, although these
measures may not be directly related to the main project activity.
5.25 For example, women have cited the mandatory provision of community creches in
the Maharashtra EGS as a factor which facilitated their participation. Conversely, in the
Bangladesh FFWP, women have been unable to satisfy the standard work norm of 70 cubic feet of
earth per day because they have to perform child care and domestic tasks in addition to earthwork.
Not all attempts to relieve time constraints have been successful. For example, while the
introduction of low-cost technologies and time and fuel-saving devices were part of early project
interventions, these have been phased out due to faulty choice of technology or faulty dissemination
of technology (Molnar and Naqvi 1992). Suitability to local needs is crucial to efforts to introduce
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5.30 There are various ways to modify agricultural project design to better serve the needs
of rural women. These include: changing the focus of project activities; changing the number of
women in the pool of eligible participants; adapting credit components to account for absence of
collateral or credit records; expanding the outreach of extension systems; making the location of
project activities more accessible; changing the timing and duration of activities; providing facilities
for sleeping and child care; and choosing appropriate language and conmmunications networks
(Carloni 1987). A key feature common to these design modifications, as illustrated by the
abovementioned projects, is their awareness of the specific constraints which women face.
Knowledge of women's agricultural and domestic tasks also aids in the design of interventions to
improve their productivity in existing tasks, rather than increasing their work burden.
Collecting baseline data
5.31 Baseline data are important both for establishing the extent of gender differences
in the pre-project situation, as well as for providing a benchmark against which to evaluate project
perfonnance. More effective agricultural projects pay adequate attention to the collection of
baseline data, e.g. the India sericulture project. In this project, benchmark surveys to assess project
impact at the beginning, middle, and end of the project are scheduled. Collection of baseline data
is also planned in the Burkina Faso, Turkey, Yemen, and Chile projects. In the Burkina Faso Food
Security Project, the baseline survey in one province will also include villages which will not benefit
from project support to serve as a control group.
5.32 Other extension projects do not employ specially designed baseline surveys, but
utilize existing farm inventory surveys (Nigeria) or surveys of different groups of farmers, some of
which will serve as "control" groups to provide benchmarks for evaluating project impact (Brazil).
5.33 It must be emphasized that baseline data should be disaggregated by gender.
Otherwise, it will be difficult to measure the gender-differentiated impact of the project. For
example, it is relatively easy to obtain data on the number of female extension agents hired, and
the number of women in farmers' groups, but unless separate records are kept on women's income
and production, it will not be possible to attribute increases in women's yields to the changes
brought about by the project.
5.34 Baseline data should also draw on anthropological and ethnographic studies.
Differences in customs and traditions - even within the same country - may be crucial to project
acceptability. In Yemen, it is easier to implement initiatives for women farmers in the South, where
women are more active in rainfed, mixed-crop agriculture, than in the North, which is more
conservative. In the design of rural public works projects, the tasks must be suited to the available
labor. For example, pastoralists in Niger, who ride horses or camels, rarely participate
wholeheartedly in building roads across the desert. and farmers in Burkina Faso, most concerned
with water availability are not likely to tend trees (von Braun, Teklu and Webb 1991:49).
Learning from economic and sector work
5.35 Economic and sector work (ESW) provides the analytical and empirical foundation
for informed project design. For example, the Women in Agriculture component of the Nigeria
Multistate Agricultural Development project (MSADP) drew on a report from a consultant who had
analyzed women's agricultural and off-farms activities for a related project. It also benefited from
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political changes and staff turnover also have effects on project performance.
ILnproving disbursement of project funds for WID proiects
5.40 While delays in disbursement are common to many projects, WID projects may be
especially vulnerable if implementing agencies are not committed to gender objectives. In this case,
the availability of specially earmarked funds can be useful. While the MSADP in Nigeria suffered
from slow project procurement and inadequate counterpart funding, implementation of the women's
component continued due to the availability of funding from UNDP. The use of a WID fund, with
simplified disbursement procedures, may also be useful for funding smaller-scale expenditures on
supplies, transportation, and facilities. Delays in establishing the special fund may delay the
implementation of women's components. The rural WID component of the Yemen project
experienced delays because no separate account was established for the women's component, even
if counterpart funding was available from IFAD.
Appointing WID specialists in the field
5.41 The presence of a committed and well-trained WID specialist (or sector specialist
trained in gender analysis) at the resident mission or working at a senior level within the project
contributes greatly to effective implementation of gender-sensitive projects in the field. This was
the experience in the Nigeria and Yemen projects. The WID specialist may also be able to address
issues which were not foreseen during project preparation, and modify implementation accordingly.
For example, in the Yemen project, women were not formally mentioned in the credit component.
With the advice of the WID specialist, IFAD added a small targeted credit component to the
project. Country nationals, or women within the region, may also have greater sensitivity to local
culture and familiarity with local conditions than expatriate consultants.
Special allocation of resources to women's proiects
5.42 Special allocations to women's projects, stipulated by donors, may help overcome low
priority in allocations by government agencies if a competitive and male-dominated bureaucracy
prevails. For example, difficulty encountered in securing transportation by women's units in
agricultural extension programs has been mitigated by donor-provided vehicles and earmarked
funds.
Improving monitoring and evaluation
5.43 Although monitoring and evaluation (M&E) are important to successful
implementation, M&E of WID components or on the impact of women participants tends to be
weak. Some difficulties can be traced to the absence of benchmarks from baseline data, but some
can also be due to the absence of gender specific monitorable indicators. These are not necessarily
output or outcome indicators (e.g. number of women farmers served) but also input or process
indicators, such as the number of female extension workers hired, government actions relaxing
quotas on women in agricultural courses, or changes in bank laws to relax collateral requirements.
5.44 Projects that have been able to monitor the impact on women more effectively have
included WID thematic reviews as part of the supervision missions. The National Sericulture
Project in India has included a number of WID thematic reviews be state which have played an
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important role in ensuring that women's components are implemented. Likewise, the person who
reviewed M&E in one supervision mission of the Yemen project was also a WID specialist who did
a thorough review of the project's women's component. The Chile SFSP included progress in
service oriented towards women as part of its set of criteria for moving from Phase I to Phase II
of the project.
Ensuring adequate supervision
5.45 Lastly, adequate supervision is essential to ascertain that project implementation is
going smoothly at the organizational and field levels. It often happens that Bank staff devote more
time to procurement procedures during supervision missions with less time allocated for substantive
monitoring of project implementation in the field. If task managers cannot perform this task,
consultants with good local-level knowledge, or with training in gender issues, could substitute for
Bank staff time. Adequate supervision is a signal of commitment to gender issues. In the Asia
region, for example, a rating on WID aspects is included as one of the criteria for evaluating project
performance in supervision reports.
Guidelines for Designne and ImpIementinf Projects in Asxiculture: A Summarv
5.46 This section suggest guidelines for project design and implementation of gender-
sensitive projects in agriculture, organized by subsector or area of project intervention.
Setting the Policy Environment in Agriculture
5.47 Increasing productivity and incomes in agriculture will be essential to reducing
poverty in the rural sector of the developing world. Distortions imposed by dualistic agricultural
policies, implicit taxation of smallholder crops, differential factor prices for large-and small-scale
agriculture have had their efficiency costs. To the extent that these distortions induce the adoption
of technologies inconsistent with a country's resource endowments, they could have potentially
adverse impacts on the poor.
5.48 The introduction of technology may change the nature of cropping arrangements and
division of labor, and detrimental impacts may be exacerbated by constraints in access to credit and
hired labor (in labor scarce societies). The full range of constraints under which women operate
needs to be understood when targeting by gender is attempted, and policymakers need to consider
ex ante implications of untargeted new technology in rural areas (Binswanger and von Braun 1991).
5.49 Some of these constraints are dictated by the country's relative resource scarcities:
in a labor-scarce economy, the introduction of technologies which increase the demand for labor
in agriculture may have adverse impacts on timne spent on other tasks, bargaining within the
household, and women's nutritional status. On the other hand, in a labor-surplus economy, the
concern is that technological change which increases labor productivity should be matched by an
increase in demand for labor to avoid unemployment. It is important that relative factor prices
reflect the true cost of technologies adopted, since distorted prices may promote technologies
inconsistent with a country's resource endowments. Policy makers also need to recognize that in
surplus-labor situations, potential increases in income and wages due to technical change will be
limited by population pressure and the availability of nonagricultural employment opportunities.
Such sustained increases in female wages (accompanied by increases in female education) would
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Extension and education
5.53 To improve the productivity of women farmers, there is a need to improve their
access to technology and information. The strengthening of existing extension systems and their
reorientation to focus on the needs of women farmers is a key step in these process. To improve
the delivery of extension services to female farmers:
* Recruit more female extension agents;
* Redeploy home economists and other agents by retraining them in agricultural
subjects;
* Use para-extension agents in their own localities;
* Use female agents as subject matter specialists and supervisors. Efforts must also
be made to train male agents to work with female farmers:
* Train male agents to use socially acceptable institutions as women's groups as a
venue for interacting with women farmers;
* Employ gender targeting, whereby a female agent initially establishes contact with
the group, and then turns it over to the male extension agent;
* JUse incentives integrated into the reward structure of the extension system to
reward male agents who are effective in working with female farmers.
The communication of extension messages to women can also be improved by:
using traditional women's groups;
using women as contact farmers, chosen by merit, farming experience, or
representativeness of local conditions rather than political connections; and
* using methods of communication appropriate to the target group's education and
literacy levels as well as their access to communication facilities.
Finally, there must be increased efforts to improve female education in rural areas. Not only will
this benefit fernale farmers who make production decisions, it will also ease the transition of
landless female workers into nonagricultural employment, which will absorb increasing numbers of
the rural labor force.
Improving the design of gender-sensitive projects
5.54 The review of Bank agricultural projects offers suggestions for modifying the design
of agricultural projects to consider gender issues:
* Have simple but well-defined objectives in project design; an easy test is to identify
what gender-specific constraint is being addressed, and how;
* Modify the design of mainstream projects by ensuring that project participants are
included in proportion to their roles and responsibilities in the baseline situation,
and addressing constraints faced by women. These modifications include:
* changing the focus of project activities;
* changing the number of women in the pool of eligible participants;
* designing interventions to improve their productivity in existing tasks, rather
than increasing their work burden;
* adapting credit components to account for absence of collateral or credit
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