A good business or a risky business: Health, safety and quality of life for women small-scale miners in PNG

Abstract

Alluvial and small-scale mining operations in Papua New Guinea (PNG) are collectively referred to as small-scale mining (SSM). Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), as this practice is most often referred to in the literature, describes an economically significant and growing area in more than 80 mineral-rich developing countries, and producing approximately 15–20 per cent of global minerals and metals (Jennings 2003; Buxton 2013). A 1999 International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate (Jennings 1999) places the number of people directly and indirectly dependent on ASM at 100 million. However, the worldwide mineral boom of the last decade, coupled with continued diversification of rural livelihoods suggests that this number is steadily increasing (World Health Organization (WHO) 2013). With no universal definition of ASM, it is usually distinguished as low-technology, labour-intensive mineral extraction and processing found across the developing world, and distinguished from industrial mining by low rates of production, lack of long-term planning, inadequate equipment and poor safety, health and environment conditions (Hilson 2002; Hilson and McQuilken 2014). This content downloaded from 168.176.5.118 on Fri, 08 Jun 2018 02:12:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms BeTWeeN THe PLOUGH AND THe PICK 152 PNG alluvial gold-mining dates back to the late 1880s, when during the colonial era the industry was dominated by Europeans who employed PNG nationals (Hancock 1994; Susapu and Crispin 2001; Lole 2005). By the late 1960s, most Europeans had abandoned their leases and growing numbers of nationals commenced their own operations. Since independence in 1975, ASM has rapidly increased in scale, underpinning economic activity in much of rural and remote PNG (Moretti 2007; Papua New Guinea Mine Watch 2015b). While many miners are satisfied with non-mechanised mining to sustain their livelihood, others are looking for opportunities to form joint-venture operations that may provide necessary capital and skills to increase production levels and improve livelihoods (Crispin 2006; Moretti 2007). Unlike other parts of the world, PNG recognises SSM as a legal contributor to the national economy, with estimates of up to 90 per cent of alluvial gold production being extracted by rural-based miners using sluice boxes and panning dishes, with some mechanised operations using predominantly portable dredges, water pumps and excavators (Crispin 2003; Javia and Siop 2010). Mercury is widely used in PNG, with between 60 and 90 per cent of operations reportedly using it in capturing and amalgamating the gold (Crispin 2006; Leonhard 2015). Alluvial and small-scale mining is administered by the Mineral Resources Authority (MRA), and governed by the Mining Act 1992 and the Mining (Safety) Act & Regulations 2007, which apply equally to alluvial and hard-rock mining. Current legislation recognises customary landowners, allowing non-mechanised alluvial mining on their land without the need to obtain a registered lease, while large-scale mining leases are required to have at least 51 per cent national ownership. While alluvial and placer gold is found almost everywhere in PNG, the remoteness of many of these sites makes it difficult both financially and technically to locate mechanised equipment on site. As a result, simple, non-mechanised techniques remain the most widely used. Research indicates that most of the SSM population lacks the financial and educational capacity required to undertake fully mechanised or larger-scale mining operations. SSM is most often undertaken in family units of two to five people, with estimates indicating that this group comprises almost 99 per cent of total SSM operations (Lole 2005; Crispin 2006; Moramo 2015). Similar to other mineral-rich developing countries, alluvial mining in PNG is extensively practised as an alternative economic seasonal activity where, in times of economic stress, many miners live a subsistence lifestyle driven by commodity prices and basic needs, and switch between fishing and market gardening, and mining. Their level of