More ivory than elephants: domestic ivory markets in three West African countries

Abstract

Surveys of African ivory markets in 1999 identified Abidjan (Cote d'Ivoire), Dakar (Senegal) and Lagos (Nigeria) as the most significant ivory carving centres in West Africa (Martin and Stiles, 2000). This report serves to update the situation in these three countries and to assess whether or not any progress has been made in establishing effective control of their domestic ivory markets. The following results stem from field surveys which were conducted by two researchers between 11th-30th June 2002. COTE D'IVOIRE * Domestic trade in ivory was officially banned in Cote d'Ivoire in 1997 through Decree No. 97-130. Marking an important evolution in the country's wildlife legislation, the Decree introduced measures to regulate the possession, sale and movement of ivory within the country and across international borders. Implementation and enforcement responsibilities principally lie with the Directorate of Wildlife and Fisheries under the Ministry of Water and Forests. In 1998, regulatory measures to register and record national ivory stocks identified 7,110.7 kg of ivory in the hands of some 224 owners. However, this exercise was never fully completed and additional stocks of ivory are believed to be in the country. * In spite of an improved legal basis from which to act, effective implementation has faltered. At present, wildlife authorities are constrained by insufficient financial and human resources, a lack of motivation toward the development of effective monitoring and co-ordinated law enforcement systems nationally, and poor collaboration with other law enforcement bodies, especially Customs. Currently, Water and Forests agents are prevented from having regular access to passenger and luggage clearance areas at the international airport in Abidjan. With generally weak government institutions, widespread corruption and, most recently, civil unrest and warfare, the current political environment affords many difficulties for implementing ivory trade controls at any level. * Despite the official national trade ban, the ivory industry of Cote d'Ivoire is still very active, although it appears to have declined to some extent. Surveys conducted between 11th-20th June 2002 in and around Abidjan and Grand Bassam found 68 retail outlets, displaying an estimated 1,554 kg of mostly worked ivory products. Eleven ivory workshops were also identified in the study, employing an estimated 88 craftsmen, most of whom carve ivory on a part-time basis. * Compared to Martin and Stiles (2000), the present survey documents a smaller, but still significant, volume of ivory on sale in the country's retail market. The current study also shows a shift toward greater diversification by manufacturers and carvers to wood products, and fewer people appear to be involved in the ivory industry today. However, these results may be skewed by the fact that the current survey was conducted during a period of continuing political unrest and disruption of the country's tourist industry. * Owing to political instability and a reduction in the number of tourists visiting or expatriates living in the country, far fewer ivory consumers were observed when compared to the situation described by Martin and Stiles (2000). Tourists and expatriates were still noted as important consumers, with Europeans (particularly French), Chinese, Japanese and local African businessmen, including Senegalese traders, all mentioned. Surprisingly, Americans were mentioned more frequently as ivory buyers than French nationals. Asian diplomats were also cited for their involvement in the ivory trade, and it was alleged that many of their purchases were for resale purposes abroad. * The price of raw ivory, now averaging about CFA70,000-75,000/kg (USD115-123/kg), appears to have doubled in three years, and the retail market prices of worked ivory products in Cote d'Ivoire have increased by the same proportion when compared to the situation documented by Martin and Stiles (2000). However, if adjusted using the Gross Domestic Product Deflator inflation index, in 2002 USD terms, prices have increased between 50-180%, with an average increase of 87% found. A recent decline in raw ivory on the local market is partially responsible for this increase. * The country's ivory traders continue to be supplied by ivory of illegal origin, in particular from Central African sources, especially the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, Gabon and the Central African Republic. Prior to its closure in the face of bankruptcy, Air Afrique appears to have been a principal conveyor of illicit ivory from Central African sources, and entry into Abidjan is alleged to have involved collusion with Customs. To a much lesser extent, some ivory is obtained from the illegal killing of elephants within the country. With the increasing scarcity of supply and the current high price of raw ivory, privately-owned stocks in Cote d'Ivoire are also being accessed as a new source of raw ivory for the national industry. * The decline of the local ivory industry noted in the current study is most probably related to the current political context, the subsequent decrease in tourist numbers and increasing difficulty in securing adequate stocks of raw ivory, rather than recent policy initiatives by the government to control the ivory trade. In this regard, until the government demonstrates sufficient political will to effectively monitor and police the ivory trade taking place within and through the country, illegal trade is expected to continue. * There is little evidence to suggest that the conditions noted in Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev.) for control of the internal trade in ivory are being met and implemented effectively. Further, participation in the Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS) has been sporadic and very few data on elephant product seizures have been communicated through the process of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). SENEGAL * The Hunting and Wildlife Protection Act (1986), Law No. 86-04 (24 January 1986) and the related implementation Decree No. 86-844 (14 July 1986) form the legal basis for wildlife management in Senegal. These legal instruments, however, only indirectly address trade in elephant products, and the situation governing domestic trade in ivory remains legally vague and ambiguous. The Directorate of Water, Forests and Hunting in the Ministry of Water, Forests, Hunting and National Parks is responsible for implementation and enforcement of these laws. * Law enforcement is very weak as no legislative or regulatory measures have been taken to identify, record and control possession or disposal of raw ivory or worked ivory products in the country. A lack of human, material and financial resources were all cited as reasons for a poor record of enforcement, but this situation is compounded by the fact that Customs routinely deny Water and Forest agents any access to the country's ports of entry. In sum, it appears that control over ivory is more lax today than it was during the Martin and Stiles (2002) survey in 1999. * The trade in ivory in Senegal is not an isolated economic activity, but rather is linked with other trade in wildlife products, in particular wood and reptile skins. The major ivory tradersencountered during this survey all trade in other wild products. Dakar is the centre of the trade in ivory in Senegal, and is generally regarded as one of the most important centres of wildlife trade in West Africa. Within Dakar, the craft centre of Soumbedioune is the hub of this activity and the final point of distribution for many of the products collected by Senegalese traders circulating throughout West and Central Africa. Characteristically, ivory trade is a family business in Senegal, with many small household workshops, and often members of the same family are found trading ivory in neighbouring countries, especially Cote d'Ivoire. * The trade in ivory is protected by powerful lobbies in Senegal. There are allegations that some important and powerful religious leaders, known as Marabouts, are involved in trade inwildlife products, including ivory. The major traders found in the Soumbedioune market are also organised into a guild, the "Federation of the Craftsmen of Soumbedioune", which has significant economic and political clout. Corruption is another factor, with various allegationssuggesting Customs, businessmen, religious leaders, and government officials are involved in the illegal ivory trade. * Surveys conducted between 21st-30th June 2002 in Dakar, Saly and Mbour found 54 ivory retail outlets, featuring an estimated 353 kg of mostly worked ivory products for sale. These shops employed about 70 people, while another six ivory workshops were identified that employed 31 carvers. Senegal probably imports more worked ivory than it actually produces locally, and there is evidence to suggest direct linkages to the production and trade in ivory with Cote d'Ivoire. * Compared to Martin and Stiles (2000), the present survey documents a smaller volume of ivory on display in the retail market than what was found three years ago. That survey estimated 407 kg of ivory on display in Dakar, while the present survey found 330 kg (in Dakar only). However, the present survey identified 14 more retail outlets (44 compared to 30), but the same number of workshops in Dakar. Apart from the reduced volume of ivory on display, there is no other evidence to suggest a significant decline for domestic trade in ivory in Senegal, and the ivory traders themselves did not complain about any reduction in their activities in recent years. For these reasons the situation is believed to be relatively stable. In addition, this study found larger pieces of ivory being sold than was the case three years ago, perhaps suggesting increased laxity in law enforcement. * The ivory found on the retail market in Dakar is not only sold as souvenirs and c