The paper concerns the expression of non-strict comparison, focusing in particular on constructions of the form [no(t) . . .-er than] in modified numerals. The main empirical finding is the observation that negated comparatives contrast with regular comparatives in that the former but not the latter can give rise to (scalar) implicatures. It is shown that such a contrast falls out of theories of exhaustive interpretation that claim alternatives to form dense scales. An important result is that the paper sharpens the desiderata for theories of exhaustification.
CITATION STYLE
Nouwen, R. (2008). Upper-bounded no more: The exhaustive interpretation of non-strict comparison. Natural Language Semantics, 16(4), 271–295. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-008-9034-2
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