Degree modification and intensification in American sign language adjectives

Abstract

Scalar adjectives lacking closed upper boundaries (like far) can be coerced to have a closed upper boundary reading when combined with degree modification with too, e.g. too far to walk. Parallel to the mapping of event structure to scalar structure in adjectives [4], we observe that scalar adjectives are end-marked in ASL. These adjectives receive marking similar to telic verbs, indicating that, like the visibility of event structure in verbs, scalar structure, or at least the upper boundary, is also visible in ASL. The Event Visibility Hypothesis (EVH) was formulated based on the observation that telic verb signs are distinguished from atelics by end-marking reflecting final states of telic events. Here, it is extended to a general Visibility Hypothesis for sign languages. © 2012 Springer-Verlag.