Ambivalent Sexism, Right Wing Authoritarianism and Rape Myth Acceptance in Scotland

Abstract

The study investigated the relationship between ambivalent sexism (AS), right wing authoritarianism (RWA) and rape myth acceptance (RMA) in a Scottish context. Findings revealed that benevolent (BS) and hostile sexism (HS) as well as RWA significantly predicted rape myth acceptance. Analysis of gender differences revealed that males and females performed significantly differently on all the subscales of the IRMA-SF (Payne, Lonsway and Fitzgerald, 1999) and on the HS subscale of the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) (Glick and Fisk, 1996). No gender differences were found on the RWA Scale (Altemeyer, 1996) or on the BS subscale of the ASI. The findings were placed in a wider theoretical context and discussed in relation to political and policy developments in Scotland. The current paper investigates rape myths in relation to sexism and authoritarianism. It attempts to provide an interdisciplinary focus to the discussion on rape and rape myths, and broaden the discussion on ambivalent sexism, right wing authoritarianism and rape myth acceptance beyond individual attitudes, into the socio-political context. There has been relatively little published work focusing on rape from a political science perspective and the psychological perspective alone, despite its significant contribution to the area, does not suffice in painting a complete picture of rape mythology and the structures that reinforce it. Political institutions define the act of rape, shape the policy responses to it and inform and reflect social attitudes towards perpetrators and survivors. The measures utilised in the current study allow for the investigation of rape myths in the context of more general attitudes and world views, which encompass a range of social mores. Sexism and authoritarianism are not often studied together in relation to rape mythology, even though the literature suggests their interdependence. This study gives the opportunity to examine sexism alongside more general social attitudes and look at how they might relate to rape mythology in a Scottish population. In doing so, it attempts to provide a broader understanding of rape in relation to the contemporary Scottish political landscape. The Scottish context is an interesting one to consider, given the political developments that have occurred in recent years. Women were instrumental in promoting a new politics in Scotland, and this feminist activism contributed to the design of the legislature. The devolution project in Scotland was about taking the opportunity to improve the political process. The term 'new politics' was frequently used to encapsulate this vision, and whilst this notion has all but been discredited, it did represent a desire to move away from the 'yah-boo' male-dominated politics associated with the Westminster model. This vision was clearly articulated in the Scottish Parliament's founding principles, with equal opportunities and microcosmic representation, including gender, at the core. This descriptive representation of women (DRW) refers to women being present as elected members, and is a normative position in that it addresses a deficit in political representation. One potential consequence of the DRW is a move towards the substantive representation of women (SRW), which advances women's interests in debates and policy-making. The percentage of female MSPs in the first Scottish Parliament (1999-2003) was 37.2%, rising to 39.5% in the second (2003-07). This descriptive representation gave rise to substantive representation, as female politicians raised awareness of 'women's issues', notably on domestic violence.