Pester Power in Low Income Families

Abstract

Pester power is then the ability of a child to influence the purchasing choice of an adult using various tactics, the most common of which is repetitive nagging. There is a considerable amount of literature on ‘pester power’ in western societies, where children have been documented to be responsible for significant expenditure each. Western societies are assumed to have a higher level of disposable income, although even in these societies concern has been raised about the financial strain that families place themselves under in order to avoid conflict with their child. This exertion of ‘power’, by the child, often results in confrontations with parents but has also been found to be a successful influence strategy. In order to avoid conflict and or embarrassment the adult will often give in to the child’s requests. Parent’s willingness to purchase requested products is driven by the type of product requested by the child and the expense involved, and this has been shown to be understood by children. Children have been found to exert pester power on decisions and purchases relating to a wide variety of products, from relatively inexpensive purchases such as food to far more expensive items, such as a family car. Food has been described as the main battleground for pester power. Persistent nagging, bribery, trolley loading and psychological tactics have all been identified as pester power strategies. Consistent with the call for research in the African context by the World Health Organisation, this paper sought to investigate whether pester power exists in third world communities which are perceived to have considerably less disposable income. Specifically, would children living in semi-rural, relatively low income areas exert an influence over the purchasing decisions of their parents or guardians? Would the children pester for the same types of products as their Western counterparts and would they use the same tactics? A questionnaire was developed based on similar studies done in Western societies so as to compare the data. A sample of children from a school situated in a farming community within a 20-60 minute drive from retail environments, was used as the sampling frame. In accordance with the required Ethical clearance procedures of the university, the Depart of Education for the region, the school principal and the children’s parents were first approached to give consent for the children to participate in the study. The final sample was made up of 142 children ranging in age from 5 years old (Grade 0) to 13 years old (Grade 7). Care was taken to translate questionnaires and check back translations. Younger children were assisted in completing the questionnaire. A parent survey was also done but is not reported on in this paper except to describe the family circumstances. The families fell predominantly into a low income bracket. Over half the parent respondents (58.8 %) had a household after tax income of R2 999 or less per month (approximately $350pm). The sample lived mainly in the farming areas, towns and villages surrounding the school (94.2%). The children identified the mother of their household as the main purchaser of grocery items and clothes and the person who spoilt them most, thus the most likely target for pestering strategies. This is similar to Western families. Children who live in low income households exert influence over the purchasing decisions of those households. The products over which these children exert the most influence are fast moving consumer goods and goods which can be termed ‘instant gratification products’. Such products include hot food, sweets, crisps, chocolates, etc. These products are probably seen while in the purchase situation, which then stimulates an ‘I see it or smell it and I want it’ reaction from the child. Significant differences were found between younger and older children with a greater focus on branded clothing product requests amongst older children. However children reported less success with pestering when it came to branded clothing compared to food most likely due to the costs involved. Children employed crying, begging or sulking as pestering strategies. Also identified was asking when the child is alone with the parent and 76.6% of children admitted to making requests when they know that there is money. Surprisingly, a number of children (38.7%) indicated sympathy or awareness for their parent’s financial positions and indicated that they reacted passively. That said, 75.9% of children said that they make requests until they are granted. Thus pester power exists and while displaying similar characteristics to pester power launched by children in the Western world, it appears to differs in intensity due to several factors. Transportation and distance from retail settings is an obvious set back, while a child might frequent local convenience shops on their own or with a parent, the larger retail areas are frequented only when the child is not at school (i.e. holidays or weekends, or when the parent can afford the transport). There does seem to be awareness of financial matters, as the children could clearly identify that ‘paydays’ were a good time to make requests. Limitations include the sample size and possible social desirability responses. These are discussed and recommendations for future research made.