Mature age entry and widening access to university education: A southern african perspective

Abstract

Mature age entry schemes are essentially second chance schemes designed to allow disadvantaged adults who could not complete formal education access into higher education institutions, provided they have shown the capability of studying at this level. The large numbers of adults who may be capable, but lack the necessary formal entry qualifications, justify the existence of such schemes in several countries of the South (Third World). Several reasons account for such large numbers of adults who are motivated and can benefit from higher education, but still lack the necessary entry requirements. First and foremost is the problem of inadequate provision of school places. This was notably so before independence in many African countries. Zambia and Zimbabwe are good examples. The statistics relating to educational achievement on the eve of Zambia's independence in 1964 revealed an appalling situation. In a population of 3.5 million, there were approximately 1,000 persons who were holders of secondary school certificates and about 100 graduates altogether (Lowe, 1970). The illiteracy rate was (also higher than in most newly independent countries) estimated at being about 60% of the total population (Office of Statistics, 1970). In addition, in the rural areas, 3 out of 7 men and 17 out of 20 women had never attended school (Office of Statistics, 1970). The situation was equally bad for Zimbabwe. According to the 1969 census of Rhodesia (as Zimbabwe was called then) (Central Statistics Office, 1969), 72% of the African adult population had no formal education or had less than 3 years of formal education. The 1982 census (2 years after independence) also revealed that out of a total adult population of 4 million, 63% (2.5 million) were either illiterate or semiliterate (Central Statistics Office, 1982). This sad state of affairs was directly attributed to the paucity of provision during the colonial era. Despite massive increases in educational provision after the attainment of independence, in these countries there remains a sizeable number of the adult population who have not had an opportunity to complete the formal entry qualification. For example, Zimbabwe has a 70%+ progression rate from Grade 7 to Form 1 (Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture, Zimbabwe, 2000). Clearly, about a third of the children who complete primary school do not proceed to secondary school. Also, the dropout rate between Form 1 and the school certificate has remained high. According to figures cited for the period 1984-1992 (Mpofu and Mbizwo, 1996), the average dropout rate between Form 1 and the school certificate is 24.5%. Thus, of the 500,000+ pupils that enroll for Form 1 annually, about 125,000 do not make it to "Ordinary" level (4 years later). The situation is worse for other countries in the region. For example, an analysis of figures obtained from the Ministry of Education, Zambia, for the period 1972-1996 (Ministry of Education, Zambia, 1972-1996), reveals that less than one-fifth of those who sit for Grade 7 examinations make it to secondary schools in that country, and less than one-third of those who make it to Form 1 go to "Ordinary" level. In Botswana, just over 50% of those who sit for Junior Certificate examinations proceed to Senior Secondary School (Ministry of Education, Botswana, 1999). Other notable reasons for this state of affairs are poor health, and the attitudes of parents, particularly towards the education of girls. These factors, among others, account for the presence of many persons among the adult population who have the ability, as demonstrated by performance in short courses and experience in their work situation, but who lack the formal entry requirements for admission to university. Mature age entry schemes provide an opportunity for such disadvantaged persons to enter university. However, there is little consensus about the value or efficacy of such schemes. Some argue about what category of disadvantaged adults should benefit from such a scheme. For instance, during the 1980-1981 academic year, there was a general feeling among some staff of the Centre for Continuing Education at the University of Zambia that the scheme had served its usefulness since the needs of those capable persons who had been denied the opportunities before independence would have long been met. They were of the opinion that it should not be used for failures of the school system (University of Zambia, 1982). Today many people at the University of Zambia share this view. Hence, the scheme was discontinued in 1996 (Siaciwena, 1996). Another notable disagreement pertains to the programs that should benefit from such a scheme. Some insist that the scheme should be limited to the humanities, while others contend that it should be open to all fields of study. The University of Zimbabwe, for example, subscribes to the former view. The university calendar categorically states that admission through the scheme will only be for programs in the faculties of arts, commerce, law, social sciences, and education (University of Zimbabwe, 2002). Underlying the wide differences in policy and practice appears to be a fundamental problem concerning the legitimacy of such schemes. In this chapter we explore these variations in policies and practices at five universities in Southern Africa, namely the Universities of Botswana, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, and the National University of Lesotho (NUL). This chapter is essentially a report on a study we conducted at the five institutions. © 2006 Springer. Printed in the Netherlands.