Recent work on the syntax and semantics of functional projections
within the noun phrase has had as one goal an explanation for the
crosslinguistic distribution of "bare" (determinerless) noun phrases.
This article provides an account for an apprent anomaly: the relatively
free occurrence of bare noun phrases under coordination. We argue
that this construction involves coordination of projections below
the DP level, with the coordinated structure subsequently raising
to Spec,DP. Our analysis accounts for the fact that these nominals
are endowed with uniqueness conditions, but only in soem casesk,
and for a number of other hitherto undocumented fact, including complex
constraints on modification.
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