INTRODUCTION
Introducing Neuroethics
Neil Levy
Received: 25 January 2008 /Accepted: 29 January 2008 / Published online: 14 February 2008
# Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2008
Do we really need another journal? There has been a
proliferation of new journals in philosophy, ethics and
related fields in recent years. One might well suspect
that we have been multiplying journals not merely
beyond necessity, but beyond desirability. Is yet another
journal, this one with a title that may seem merely a
faddish buzzword, really a good idea? Moreover, does
its subject matter really require a new journal? Many
people think that neuroethics is merely a subdiscipline
of bioethics, and that the issues it raises are best treated
in the context of existing bioethical journals.
Whether or not there are too many journals pub-
lished today, it seems to me that the journal Neuroethics
is really required. The growth of bioethics was a
response to the explosion in bioethical knowledge and
its applications, knowledge which promised to trans-
form our understanding of health and well-being. New
medical technologies provoked new questions—for
instance, about the beginnings and the end of life,
about what it means to be human, about the risks of
hubris—and provoked a growing feeling of unease.
This same unease, provoked by a new range of
technologies raising new kinds of questions, is
replicated today by the growth of neuroscientific
knowledge and its applications. But the new questions
require new ways of thinking and new concepts, not
merely the application or even the extension of
existing bioethical concepts. Hence the need for a
new discipline, and for a new journal.
Neuroethics, as I use the term (following [16]), refers
to two, closely interrelated, enterprises. First, it refers
to ethical reflection on new technologies and techni-
ques produced by neuroscience (and other sciences of
the mind). These questions are closely analogous to the
kinds of issues that are the traditional territory of
bioethics; just as the latter ponders questions about the
application of new biomedical techniques (is cloning
permissible? When should we turn off respirators and
other life-support equipment? Should genetic enhance-
ment be permitted?), so neuroethics attempts to answer
questions about the applications of neuroscientific
knowledge: does the use of psychopharmaceuticals
threaten our self-conception? Should evidence from
brain imaging be admissible in criminal proceedings?
Are psychopaths responsible agents? And so on. These
questions are analogous to bioethical issues, but they
are sufficiently different to warrant the birth of a new
discipline.
Neuroethics (2008) 1:1–8
DOI 10.1007/s12152-008-9007-7
N. Levy (*)
Centre for Applied Philosophy and Public Ethics,
University of Melbourne,
Parkville, VIC, Australia
e-mail: nllevy@unimelb.edu.au
N. Levy
The James Martin 21st Century School,
University of Oxford,
Oxford, England

The second branch of neuroethics is more dramat-
ically different from the enterprise of bioethics. It
refers to the ways in which the new knowledge
emerging from the sciences of the mind illuminates
traditional philosophical topics: What is the nature of
morality? What explains losses of self-control? When
are beliefs justified? How should knowledge be
pursued? These questions, going to the very heart of
what it means to be a human being, have no real
analogue in bioethics. The two branches of neuro-
ethics interact, producing a generally new discipline,
one to which bioethicists have much to contribute, but
which is equally the province of neuroscientists,
philosophers, psychologists, sociologists and lawyers
(to name just a few of the disciplines abutting and
feeding into neuroethics).
Biomedical knowledge promised, and still prom-
ises, to transform our understanding of life. Neuro-
scientific knowledge promises to transform our
understanding of something yet more intimate: of
what it means to be a thinking being. One way to
grasp the profundity of the new challenge is by
thinking about the difference between bioethics and
neuroethics in Cartesian terms. Descartes famously
distinguished between two fundamentally different
kinds of substance, res extensa and res cogitans;
extended things and thinking things, or more famil-
iarly, matter and mind. He held that human beings,
unlike all other animals, were amalgams of both kinds
of substance, consisting of both matter and mind.
Mind is immaterial, extensionless and immortal; it
can survive the destruction of the body. It is, in short,
the soul. Cartesian (substance) dualism is no longer
taken seriously; the relation between the brain and the
mind is too intimate for it to be at all plausible. But
the temptation to identify ourselves with our minds
remains strong (indeed, as Paul Bloom [5] has argued,
it is possible that substance dualism is the innate
default view of human beings). From this perspective,
we can grasp the qualitatively different, and more
radical, challenge that neuroscientific advances pose
to our self conception compared to medical advances.
Whereas medical advances, important as they are,
deal with our bodies, neuroscientific discoveries
promise—or threaten—to reveal the structure and
functioning of our minds and, therefore, of our souls.
Regardless of the truth or falsity of dualism, there
is a lot to be said, if not for simply identifying the self
with the mind, then at least for taking the mind to be
the core of the self. And there really seems to be a sense
in which neuroscience (and the other sciences of the
mind) is stripping back the mysteries of the mind in
sometimes disturbing ways, threatening our notion of
ourselves as autonomous, rational and moral beings. In
what follows, I will briefly sketch ways in which the
sciences of the mind seem to force us to confront the
possibility of a major shift in our self-conception,
focusing on each of these fundamental categories. I
will also show how these challenges pose practical and
ethical questions that must be confronted.
Rationality
It is central to our self-conception that we are rational
beings. According to Aristotle, “Man is a rational
animal”. We, alone of all animals, are capable of
guiding our actions by reasons, and distinguishing, in
the light of reason, between what is and what merely
seems to be. Our rationality is not only definitive of
what we most essentially are, it is also what is most
prized in us, providing us with a standard to live up
to. For Aristotle once again, the life of reflection was
the highest to which we could aspire; for Socrates the
unexamined life was not worth living and for John
Stuart Mill it was better to be a Socrates dissatisfied
than a pig satisfied. For us, the merely animal
(unreflective) life is a life that is unworthy. But the
sciences of the mind threaten our image of ourselves
as rational animals.
They do this in many ways. First, they apparently
show that far fewer of our actions are guided by
reasons than we might have thought. The evidence
here comes largely from work in social psychology,
on the automaticity of actions. Automatic actions are
effortless, ballistic (uninterruptible once initiated) and
typically unconsciously initiated; that is, they are not
made in response to conscious reasons of ours but are
instead more like reflexes, triggered by features of the
situation in which we find ourselves. In the influential
terminology introduced by Stanovich [18], automatic
actions are system 1 processes, not slow, effortful,
conscious and deliberative system 2 processes. Sys-
tem 1 processes are evolutionarily more ancient; they
are the kind of cognitive process we share with many
other animals, whereas system 2 processes are the
kind distinctive of us. If we are rational animals, and
that is what distinguishes us, it is only inasmuch as
2 N. Levy

we deploy system 2 processes that this is true. The
threatening finding from social psychology is not that
we often deploy system 1 processes; it is that these
are by far the more common. The overwhelming
majority of human actions are caused by automatic
mental processes [2]. In the light of the sciences of the
mind, our claim to be rational animals suddenly looks
somewhat shaky.
Worse is to come. Even when we do deploy system
2 processes, the rationality of our thought is less than
we might have hoped. The evidence for this claim
comes largely from cognitive psychology, especially
work in the heuristics and biases traditions. Heuristics
are mental short cuts and rules of thumb that we
deploy, usually without realizing we are doing so;
biases are the ways in which we weight the
significance of information in making judgments.
There is a huge mass of evidence showing that when
we assess arguments or make decisions, we deploy
such heuristics and biases, often in ways that mislead
us. I shall mention only a few of the ways in which
we assess information badly.
Human beings are pervasively subject to the
confirmation bias, a systematic tendency to search
for evidence that supports a hypothesis we are
entertaining, rather than evidence that refutes it, and
to interpret ambiguous evidence so that it supports our
hypothesis [15]. The confirmation bias (along with a
substantial dose of wishful thinking) helps to explain
many people’s belief in supernatural events. Suppose
your hypothesis is that dreams foretell the future. The
confirmation bias makes it likely that you will pay
attention to confirming evidence (that time you
dreamt that your aunt was unwell, only to learn that
around that time she had a bad fall) and disregard
disconfirming evidence (all the times when you
dreamt about good or bad things happening to people
you know when no such event occurred). The
confirmation bias works in conjunction with the
availability heuristic, our tendency to base assess-
ments of the probability of an event on the ease with
which instances can be brought to mind [22]. Because
confirming instances are more easily recalled, mem-
ory searches, carried out in good faith, lead us to
conclude that our hypothesis is true.
You may think that the tendency to believe in the
supernatural is harmless and trivial. This may or may
not be right (think of the occasional cases of parents
preferring to have their seriously ill children treated
by new-age healers rather than qualified physicians),
but there is no doubt that the kind of biases at issue
here do real world harm. One instance is the recent
rash of claims involving ‘recovered memories’ of
sexual assault. There is no evidence that any such
recovered memories were true, but we do know that
many of them were false. There is therefore no reason
to regard such memories as reliable. Yet on the basis
of this evidence, many people were imprisoned, and
many more families ruptured irrevocably. Why was
there this sudden rash of recovered memories? Part of
the explanation lies in the techniques used by some
therapists to elicit possible repressed memories. Since
they believed that these memories were deeply
repressed, they encouraged their patients to visualize
events they could not recall, or to pretend that they
happened. But these techniques are known to be
effective in producing false memories, or in otherwise
bringing people to mistake imaginings for reality [13].
Why did they do this? Confirmation bias helps to
explain their behaviour—they noticed that patients
sometimes appeared to improve when they used these
techniques, and ignored alternative explanations of
these improvements (was the mere fact that someone
was listening to them helping their mental state?
Might the passing of time by itself be playing a role?)
and ignored cases in which the techniques failed to
help [19]. Ignorance of our systematic biases and
cognitive limitations—for instance, on the part of
patients who take the vividness of a ‘memory’ as
evidence of its veracity, of therapists who are unaware
of the need to test hypotheses systematically, and
courts who take sincere memory and eyewitness
testimony as irrefutable evidence—can causes great
harm.
The example of repressed memory has two morals
for us. First, it helps to suggests how the issues dealt
with by neuroethics are practically important. Apply-
ing the knowledge gained from the sciences of the
mind, in court rooms and in clinical practices, would
lead to less harm and more good. Second, however,
we should appreciate how disturbing is the evidence
of the limitations of our rationality, the fallibility of
our memory and the unreliability of our experience as
a guide to reality. We think we are rational beings; we
think that our memories are transcriptions of past
events, we think that we have a good grasp of what
the world immediately around us is like, but we may
be wrong.
Introducing Neuroethics 3

Autonomy
Closely connected to our sense of ourselves as
rational beings is our belief that we are autonomous
choosers. We are autonomous precisely because we
can distance ourselves from our beliefs and attitudes
and assess them, before proceeding to act on our
assessment. If we are less rational than we think, then
we are less autonomous as well. But in addition to the
threats to our rationality, there are independent threats
to our ability to act autonomously. Roughly, we are
autonomous to the extent to which we can bring our
behavior into line with our considered judgments.
There is evidence that our power to do so is more
limited than we like to think. Once again, I have space
to review only some small proportion of the evidence
here, which comes from every single one of the
sciences of the mind.
Consider, first, the data on hyperbolic discounting
[1]. It is rational to discount future goods; that is, to
think that a good available in the future is worth less
to you right now than it would be when you actually
receive it. For instance, if I offer you a dollar now or
two dollars in 3 months time, you might rationally
prefer to take the dollar now. This might be the
rational choice for several reasons: because you
cannot be certain to get the money in the future (I
might be untrustworthy; you might die in the interim)
or because you expect to have less need of the money
then than now. Discounting is not evidence of
irrationality. But hyperbolic discounting is evidence
of irrationality. I discount future goods hyperbolically
when my discount function is not linear; in fact, if it is
mapped on a graph, it produces a highly bowed curve.
When discount curves are bowed like this, they can
cross, and my preferences can be highly unstable.
Hyperbolic discounters experience preference reversals
of the following sort: asked onMonday whether I prefer
one dollar on Tuesday or two on Wednesday, I might
choose to wait untilWednesday and take the two dollars.
But if I discount the future hyperbolically, the closer I
get to rewards the more I value them; hence on Tuesday
my preferences might shift, leading me to prefer the
immediately available one dollar even though I know
that if I take it, I cannot have two dollars tomorrow.
Since I prefer the dollar, I take it. Predictably, however, I
soon regret my choice, wishing I had waited.
Hyperbolic discounting helps to explain many
failures of autonomy characteristic of human beings.
Most obviously, and as the example just given
suggests, it helps to explain why people typically do
not save as much money for the future as they think
they should. They may sincerely judge that they
ought to save, but immediately available rewards
prove too tempting, and they spend their money on
goods they quickly regret purchasing. It also explains
more extremes breakdowns of autonomy, such as
addictive behavior [12]. Why do apparently rational
individuals, who sincerely say that they prefer to give
up their drug, often go back to it, and often long after
they have gone through the pain of withdrawal?
Hyperbolic discounting is an important part (though
only a part) of the answer: because when the drug
becomes available, they experience a preference shift.
The preference shift can, after all, look so enticing, so
apparently rational. ‘Just this once’, one says to
oneself; after all, it’s not as though taking the drug
once does much damage (think of smoking: having
just one cigarette doesn’t damage one’s health much,
and what little damage it does might well be
outweighed by the pleasure it gives). The problem,
of course, is that the situation is endlessly repeated,
and ‘just this once’ becomes always.
Hyperbolic discounting might be a large part of the
explanation for one of the greatest public health
challenges facing developed nations: the challenge of
obesity. Why do people persistently choose to
consume more calories than they need, even when
they know that their over-consumption risks shorten-
ing their lives, and they sincerely assert that they
prefer living longer to eating cheeseburgers? Part of
the explanation may come from the fact that fast food,
highly palatable food in general, is widely and easily
available, and when it is immediately available we
experience a reversal of preferences. We continue to
think that we should eat moderately and skip dessert,
but ‘just this once’ we will indulge ourselves.
Another part of the explanation of the obesity crisis,
and of losses of autonomy more generally, might be the
phenomenon known as ego depletion [3]. Roughly, the
ego depletion hypothesis is the theory that self-control
is effortful, and that engaging in it draws upon a
special reserve of energy. When that reserve is
depleted, self-control becomes progressively more
difficult. The evidence for this theory comes from
studies in which subjects are divided into two groups.
One group performs a task that requires self-control—
say watching a funny movie without smiling—while
4 N. Levy

the other performs a task that does not require self-
control (say, rating various options without actually
choosing between them). Then both groups are given a
common self-control task: say holding one hand in icy
water (the ‘cold pressor task’) or attempting to solve an
anagram puzzle that is in fact insoluble. The finding is
that subjects in the ego depletion group persist a
significantly shorter time at the self-control task then
subjects in the control group. The conclusion of the
researchers is that self-control resources are depleted
when they are drawn upon, and that when self-control
reserves are low, engaging in tasks that require self-
control becomes much more difficult.
It may be that ego depletion is also at work in
instances of hyperbolic discounting; since resisting
tempting rewards draws on the reserves of self-control,
ego depletion might explain the preference reversals
typical of the hyperbolic discounter. There is indepen-
dent evidence that ego depletion causes preference
reversals, rather than merely overcoming the agent:
depleted individuals not only choose immediate rewards
that are tempting but which they are later likely to regret,
they also choose to commit themselves to future rewards
that are like this. For instance, they will not only choose
to eat candy now, rather than fruit, when depleted, they
will also choose trashier films to watch in a few days
time when they are depleted than they would otherwise
[4]. Alone or together, however, both ego depletion
and hyperbolic discounting seem to threaten our
autonomy, in the sense that they are significant
obstacles to getting ourselves to act in accordance with
our considered judgments. If autonomy requires that
we able to bring our actions into line with our
considered judgments made in ideal conditions—as I
have argued elsewhere—then the pervasiveness of ego-
depletion and hyperbolic discounting are threats to
autonomy.
Once again, the research outlined above has both
immediate practical implications and philosophical
implications for us. First, it helps to explain failures of
autonomy, and thereby suggests strategies for pre-
venting them in the future. These strategies are both
individual and social. As individuals, we can take
steps to structure our environments to prevent
preference reversals and to keep our self-control
resources plentiful. We can ensure that we are not
tempted by immediate rewards that might cause
preference reversals. For instance, we can put our
money in fixed term accounts, removing the tempta-
tion to spend it on luxuries, or we can put time locks
on our drinks cabinet, ensuring that we have to wait
until evening before we indulge. Most simply, we can
buy a small candy bar, rather than a big one; that way
we know that if our resolve to save it for tomorrow
crumbles, the damage to our diet will be limited. We
can avoid shopping after a stressful day, when our
reserves of self-control are at a low ebb. Finally, there
is evidence that we can practice self-control, thereby
increasing our internal reserves [14].
More can be accomplished by institutions seeking
to increase agents’ autonomy. Governments can
require individuals to contribute to retirement plans
or social security; they can ban, limit the sale of, or
tax goods that are highly rewarding and which might
therefore be very tempting; they can regulate the
opening hours of bars; they can restrict the content of
advertising. These kinds of measures are frequently
dismissed as paternalistic, but it is far from obvious
whether this epithet is justified. Paradigm paternalism
forces agents to act against their own wishes but for
their own good; the measures envisaged instead force
agents to act in ways in which they themselves
endorse, if not at the moment of action, then at least
in a cool hour. Far from constituting paternalistic
interventions, then, they might be seen as promoting
personal liberty [21].
Beyond the important practical question concerning
what autonomy promoting measures are justified,
however, we also need to assess the philosophical
challenge to our conception of ourselves as autonomous
agents posed by the scientific findings mentioned.
Assessing whether the suggested interventions are
paternalistic might require us to take a stand on issues
of personal identity, and the right of one person-stage to
bind another. We might be required to reassess what it
means to choose freely and responsibly. We might need
to rethink our practices of criminal justice, or perhaps
even to jettison the notion of accountability. Neuro-
ethical questions quickly lead to profound philosophical
issues, allowing us to see some of the oldest and deepest
intellectual challenges in a new light.
Morality
We have briefly sketched some of the ways in which
neuroethics forces us to rethink two characteristics
traditionally held to be distinctive or definitive of
Introducing Neuroethics 5

human beings, our rationality and our autonomy.
There is a third traditional answer to the question
what makes us special: we are moral beings. Once
again, however, neuroethics sheds new light upon,
and may seem to threaten, this prized characteristic of
ourselves.
A great deal of work, in both psychology and
neuroscience, seems to demonstrate that emotion
plays a much greater role in moral judgment than
most people, and philosophers, have thought. Some of
this work seems to put pressure on philosophical
theories of moral judgment. One of the most
influential theories, the theory that (arguably at least)
underlies the notion of human rights, is deontology,
the theory, most closely associated with Immanuel
Kant, that morality is basically about rights and
duties. One way to understand deontology and its
associated rights and duties is as follows: these rights
and duties place constraints on what we may do to
improve general welfare. That is, we ought always to
improve welfare, except when doing so would
infringe a right; then we have a duty to refrain from
acting to improve general welfare. Consider is a well-
known illustration, the famous trolley problem [8].
The problem is designed to demonstrate how rights
constrain welfare maximization. In the problem, we
are presented with two variants of a scenario in which
we might act to maximize welfare, by saving the
greater number of people:
(1) Imagine you find yourselves by the tracks
when you see an oncoming trolley heading for a
group of five people. The people cannot escape
from their predicament and will certainly be
killed if you do nothing. In front of you is a
lever; if you pull it, you will divert the trolley to
a side-track, where it will certainly hit and kill
one person. Should you pull the lever?
Most philosophers have the intuition that we ought
to pull the lever; moreover, most ordinary people,
tested by the growing number of psychologists
interested in morality, agree [6]. But now consider
this variation on the problem:
(2) Imagine you find yourself on a bridge over
the tracks when you see an oncoming trolley
heading for a group of five people. The people
cannot escape from their predicament and will
certainly be killed if you do nothing. Next to you
is a very large man. You realize that if you push
the large man onto the tracks, his great bulk will
stop the trolley (whereas your slight frame will
not); he will certainly die, but the five people on
the tracks will be safe. Should you push the large
man?
Most philosophers have the intuition that you
should not push the large man; once again, most
ordinary people agree. At first glance, this is puzzling:
the cases seem to be relevantly similar. In both, you
are faced with the choice of acting to save five people
at the cost of one. Why should it be right to save the
five in case (1), but not (2)?
The standard answer is that people have rights,
including a right to life, and that pushing the large
man would infringe his rights. But redirecting the
trolley is not infringing anyone’s rights (perhaps
because we use the large man as a means to an end—
were it not for his bulk, we could not stop the trolley—
but since the presence of the man on the side-track is
not necessary for stopping the trolley, we do not use
him as a means). But recent research by neuroscientists
has thrown doubt on this explanation.
Greene et al. [10] scanned the brains of subjects
considering the trolley problem and similarly struc-
tured dilemmas. They found that when subjects
consider impersonal dilemmas—in which harms
caused are not up close and personal—regions of the
brain associated with working memory showed a
significant degree of activation, while regions associ-
ated with emotion showed little activation. But when
subjects considered personal moral dilemmas, regions
associated with emotion showed a significant degree of
activity, whereas regions associated with working
memory showed a degree of activity below the resting
baseline. The authors plausibly suggest that the
thought of directly killing someone is much more
personally engaging than is the thought of failing to
help someone, or using indirect means to harm them.
But the real significance of this result lies in the
apparent threat it poses to some of our moral judg-
ments. What it apparently shows is that only some of
our judgments—those concerned with maximizing
welfare—are the product of rational thoughts, whereas
others are the product of our rational processes being
swamped by raw emotion. This result has been taken
as evidence for discounting deontological intuitions, in
favor of a thoroughgoing consequentialism [17].
6 N. Levy

If Greene’s results seem to challenge one important
class of moral judgments, revealing them to be
irrational, other work seems to threaten the entire edifice
of morality, conceived of as a rational enterprise. In a
series of studies, Jonathan Haidt has apparently shown
that ordinary people’s moral judgments are driven by
their emotional responses, and that the theories they
offer to justify their judgments are post hoc confabula-
tions, designed to protect their judgments [11]. We take
ourselves to reason our way to our moral judgments,
but in fact our reasons are just rationalizations, Haidt
suggests. Together with Wheatley, Haidt has shown
that inducing emotional responses using post-hypnotic
suggestion influences people’s moral judgments [23].
These results seem to suggest that the idea, beloved of
philosophers, that morality is responsive to reasons is
false. They also threaten the notion that moral
argument can lead to moral progress.
Once again, the implications of this work for our self-
conception are potentially dramatic. When we proudly
proclaim that we are moral animals, we do not mean that
our behaviour is driven by affective responses, in the
kinds of ways which characterize the reciprocal altruism
and sense of fairness possessed by chimps, monkeys,
and even much simpler animals (see [20, 7]). Instead,
we pride ourselves on a rational morality, which
transcends our merely animal inheritance. This flatter-
ing image of ourselves may need heavy qualification.
More immediately and practically, there may be policy
implications of some of these findings. If, for instance,
it can be shown that some (and only some) of our
moral responses are irrational, because driven by raw
emotion, then we have a powerful reason for rewriting
policy to discount these responses.
I shall not pursue these questions further, having done
so at length elsewhere [12]. I do not aim—or feel able—
to solve these problems; I aim only to demonstrate the
range, practical significance, and sheer fascination of
the kinds of issues with which neuroethics is con-
cerned. Neuroethics is at the confluence of a number of
the most significant currents in recent thought; it also
promises to help illuminate some of our oldest and
deepest puzzles. Its importance can hardly be over-
stated. Hence the pressing need for a new journal.
The Papers
I am proud to present the inaugural issue ofNeuroethics.
The papers gathered here, by some of the most im-
portant contemporary neuroethicists, reflect the range
and interest of the new discipline, mixing ethical re-
flection with a consideration of the deep philosophical
issues raised by advances in the sciences of the mind.
Martha Farah, an influential cognitive neuroscien-
tist as well as an important neuroethicist, asks what
light neuroscientific evidence can shed on the
traditional philosophical problem of other minds:
roughly, the question of whether we can know that
others have minds at all (given that we only have
direct access to their behaviour, not their thoughts).
As she points out, this is not merely an abstract
philosophical question, but of direct ethical relevance:
having a mental life is a necessary condition of
having certain kinds of ethical status.
The primary methodology used to investigate
mental states neuroscientifically, of course, is func-
tional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). How
reliable is this technology? Some people have argued
that reliance on fMRI—the belief that we can deduce
mental states and functions from brain images—is
phrenology revived. In her paper, Adina Roskies—a
holder of doctorates in both philosophy and neurosci-
ence, and also an important neuroethicist—examines
the epistemic value of brain images. She argues for a
position midway between the scepticism of those who
dismiss the technology as new-wave phrenology and
its uncritical supporters. Neuroimaging does give us
insight into mental states and functions, but we need
to be aware of the inferential distance between the
image and the brain.
In their contribution, Julian Savulescu and Anders
Sandberg tackle another question at once philosoph-
ical and practical: the permissibility and advisability
of using psychopharmaceuticals to produce or en-
hance love. This is a philosophical issue, inasmuch as
love is often felt to be somehow transcendent, rooted
in what is finest, and most spiritual, in us. Can love
survive being understood in terms of neurotransmit-
ters and hormones? Savulescu and Sandberg suggest
that it can, and set out conditions under which it
might be permissible to use ‘love drugs’.
Walter Glannon, author of one of the first mono-
graphs on neuroethics [9], devotes his paper to
reflections on the permissibility of psychopharmaceut-
icals to enhance mental functions. He argues that we
are still desperately short of sufficient information with
regard to the risks and benefits of existing psycho-
pharmaceuticals, but that there are grounds for—
Introducing Neuroethics 7

cautiously—regarding their use, by individuals pre-
pared to take responsibility for the consequences, as
permissible. The last substantive paper is by Sheri
Alpert. If in this introduction I have emphasized the
ways in which neuroethics differs from other cognate
disciplines, Alpert emphasizes the similarities, and
especially the risk of ethical myopia which comes
from failing to learn from others. Using the example of
the other new ethical subfield, nanoethics, Alpert
argues for the importance of learning from responses
to problems that are often analogous.
The last contribution to this inaugural issue is from
Cordelia Fine. Her paper is the first of the regular
‘perspectives’ papers Neuroethics will publish, shorter
papers reflecting on recent research in the sciences of
mind, for instance presenting new findings that might
otherwise have gone unnoticed by people outside the
field, or (as in this case) opinion pieces presenting a
viewpoint. In her perspective piece, Fine tackles what she
calls ‘neurosexism’; the use of neuroscientific research to
demonstrate that male and female brains are radically
different. Findings which seem to show dramatic sex
differences always make good press, but as Fine shows,
the science upon which they are based is either shaky or
badly misinterpreted by those who abuse it.
Neuroethics welcomes new submissions, of sub-
stantive research articles by people working in all the
fields which deal with scientific knowledge of the
mind as well as the applications of this knowledge,
and of shorter perspectives pieces. We have some
exciting future issues planned already. Our aim is to
sustain the high quality amply demonstrated by the
papers published here.
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8 N. Levy