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Processing resource capacity and the comprehension of garden path sentences.

by G S Waters, D Caplan
Memory cognition (1996)

Abstract

Three experiments explored the relationship between verbal working memory capacity and the comprehension of garden path sentences. In Experiment 1, subjects with high, medium, and low working memory spans made acceptability judgments about garden path and control sentences under whole sentence and rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) conditions. There were no significant differences between subjects with different working memory spans in the comprehension of garden path sentences in either condition. In Experiments 2A and 2B, subjects with high and low working memory spans were tested on the same materials at three RSVP rates. There were no significant differences between subjects with different working memory spans in the magnitude of the effect of garden path sentences at any presentation rate. The results suggest that working memory capacity, as measured by the Daneman and Carpenter (1980) reading span task, is not a major determinant of individual differences in the processing of garden path sentences.

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Processing resource capacity and the comprehension of garden path sentences.

M e m o r y & Cognition
1 9 9 6 , 2 4 (3), 342-355
P r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e c a p a c i t y and the
c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f garden path s e n t e n c e s
GLORIA S. WATERS
McGill U n i v e r s i t y , Montreal, Quebec, C a n a d a
and
DAVID CAPLAN
M a s s a c h u s e t t s General H o s p i t a l , Boston, M a s s a c h u s e t t s
Three e x p e r i m e n t s e x p l o r e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n verbal working memory capacity and the
c o m p r e h e n s i o n of garden p a t h s e n t e n c e s . In E x p e r i m e n t 1, s u b j e c t s with high, medium, and low work­
ing memory s p a n s made acceptability j u d g m e n t s about garden p a t h and c o n t r o l s e n t e n c e s u n d e r whole
s e n t e n c e and rapid serial visual p r e s e n t a t i o n (RSVP) conditions, There were no significant d i f f e r e n c e s
b e t w e e n s u b j e c t s with different working memory s p a n s in the c o m p r e h e n s i o n of garden p a t h s e n t e n c e s
in either condition. In E x p e r i m e n t s 2A and 2B, s u b j e c t s with high and low working memory s p a n s were
t e s t e d on the same m a t e r i a l s at three RSVP rates. There were no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n sub­
j e c t s with d i f f e r e n t working memory s p a n s in the magnitude of the e f f e c t of garden path s e n t e n c e s at
any p r e s e n t a t i o n rate. The r e s u l t s suggest t h a t working memory capacity, as m e a s u r e d by the Daneman
and C a r p e n t e r (1980) reading span task, is not a major d e t e r m i n a n t of individual differences in the pro­
cessing of g a r d e n p a t h s e n t e n c e s .
Research on sentence c o m p r e h e n s i o n has tended to focus
on the n a t u r e o f the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s and c o m p u t a t i o n s
that are involved in c o n s t r u c t i n g syntactic s t r u c t u r e s (e.g.,
A l t m a n n & S t e e d m a n , 1988; Frazier, 1990; T r u e s w e l l ,
Tanenhaus, & Garnsey, 1994), with little research on the
p r o c e s s i n g resource r e q u i r e m e n t s o f this function. How­
ever, recently, r e s e a r c h e r s have b e c o m e i n t e r e s t e d in spec­
ifying more clearly the nature o f the p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e or
working m e m o r y s y s t e m involved in s e n t e n c e c o m p r e ­
hension.
Several pieces o f e v i d e n c e suggest that c o m p r e h e n d i n g
s e n t e n c e s requires the a l l o c a t i o n o f p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s .
Syntactic form affects s u b j e c t s ' accuracy and reaction times
in j u d g i n g the a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f s e n t e n c e s (Waters, C a p l a n ,
& H i l d e b r a n d t , 1987), and r e a d i n g times increase at points
in a s e n t e n c e where m o d e l s o f s e n t e n c e p r o c e s s i n g p r e d i c t
an increased p r o c e s s i n g load (King & Just, 1991). M e m o r y
for u n r e l a t e d m a t e r i a l p r e s e n t e d during sentence c o m p r e ­
hension is affected by syntactic structure (Wanner & Marat­
sos, 1978). Aphasic stroke p a t i e n t s ' c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f sen­
t e n c e s is a f f e c t e d by s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e , in a way t h a t
s u g g e s t s a r e d u c t i o n in p r o c e s s i n g resources available for
This research was s u p p o r t e d by grants from the Medical R e s e a r c h
C o u n c i l of C a n a d a ( M A 9 6 7 1 ) and the N a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e o f A g i n g
( A G 0 9 6 6 I ). Gloria Waters was s u p p o r t e d by a University R e s e a r c h Fel­
lowship from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of
Canada. We wish to thank the action editor, Douglas Hintzman, for ex­
tremely detailed and helpful s u g g e s t i o n s regarding the o r g a n i z a t i o n and
style of this paper. D.C. is a f f i l i a t e d with the N e u r o p s y c h o l o g y Labora­
tory at M a s s a c h u s e t t s General. C o r r e s p o n d e n c e c o n c e r n i n g this article
should be addressed to G. S. Waters, School of C o m m u n i c a t i o n Sci­
ences and Disorders, McGill University, 1266 Pine Ave. w., Montreal,
PQ, Canada H3G I A8.
syntactic p r o c e s s i n g ( C a p l a n , Baker, & D e h a u t , 1985; Ca­
plan & H i l d e b r a n d t , 1988).
How s p e c i a l i z e d is the p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e system re­
q u i r e d for s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n ? Many l i n g u i s t s and
psycho linguists have argued that the p r o c e s s e s involved in
s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n are distinct from those involved
in other v e r b a l l y m e d i a t e d functions, such as r e a s o n i n g
and problem s o l v i n g (e.g., Fodor, 1983). C l a i m s r e g a r d i n g
the " m o d u l a r i t y " o f sentence processing have generally been
r e s t r i c t e d to i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g a s p e c t s o f this func­
tion. However, a p a r a l l e l question arises about the process­
ing r e s o u r c e s i n v o l v e d in s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n : are
they s p e c i f i c to s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n (or to aspects o f
the sentence c o m p r e h e n s i o n process) or are the same pro­
cessing r e s o u r c e s used in s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n and
other verbal tasks?
Just and C a r p e n t e r (1992) have a p p r o a c h e d the question
o f the nature o f the p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s used in s e n t e n c e
c o m p r e h e n s i o n by a t t e m p t i n g to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r indi­
vidual d i f f e r e n c e s in p e r f o r m a n c e on a task that was de­
signed to m e a s u r e verbal working m e m o r y c a p a c i t y - t h e
Daneman and C a r p e n t e r (1980) reading span t a s k - a r e re­
lated to i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s in the a b i l i t y to s t r u c t u r e
sentences syntactically. They have i n t e r p r e t e d the results
o f a variety o f e x p e r i m e n t s as showing that individuals with
lower reading spans are less e f f i c i e n t at s t r u c t u r i n g sen­
tences s y n t a c t i c a l l y than are subjects with higher spans.
On this basis, they have argued that the working m e m o r y
system that is m e a s u r e d by the r e a d i n g span task is in­
volved in syntactic processing during sentence comprehen­
sion. We have q u e s t i o n e d this " c a p a c i t y t h e o r y " on several
grounds. At an e m p i r i c a l level, many results that form the
basis for Just and C a r p e n t e r ' s claims are not s t a t i s t i c a l l y
C o p y r i g h t 1996 P s y c h o n o m i c Society, Inc. 342
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WORKING MEMORY AND C O M P R E H E N S I O N OF G A R D E N PATH S E N T E N C E S 343
s i g n i f i c a n t , and, at a t h e o r e t i c a l level, t h e i r mode~ does not
generate clear p r e d i c t i o n s (Waters & C a p l a n , In press).
Just and C a r p e n t e r ' s (1992) c a p a c i t y t h e o r y is also con­
tradicted by studies o f two different types o f b r a i n - d a m a g e d
patients. P a t i e n t s with r e d u c e d w o r k i n g m e m o r y ~ e . g . , y a ­
tients with A l z h e i m e r ' s d i s e a s e ) are not more i m p a i r e d
than n o r m a l s in c o m p r e h e n d i n g s y n t a c t i c a l l y more com­
plex s e n t e n c e s ( R o c h o n , Waters, & Ca~lan, 1994), even
under dual-task c o n d i t i o n s that load working m e m o r y (Wa­
ters, Caplan, & Rochon, 1995). Conversely, pati.ent~ with
aphasia due to stroke, who suffer from a reductlO~ I n the
p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s that are n e e d e d for s y n t a c t i c pro­
cessing, are not more a f f e c t e d by a digit load than normals
when c o m p r e h e n d i n g syntactically more complex sentences
(Caplan & Waters, 1994). Both these r e s u l t s s~gg~st that
the r e s o u r c e s y s t e m used in s y n t a c t i c p r o c e s s i n g I~ sen­
tence c o m p r e h e n s i o n is s e p a r a t e from that u s e d I n the
D a n e m a n and C a r p e n t e r (1980) r e a d i n g span task.
Given the r e s u l t s o f the studies o f b r a i n d a m a g e d pa­
tients the d i f f e r e n c e s in sentence p r o c e s s i n g that Just, Car­
p e n t e r and their c o l l e a g u e s claim to have found in ? o r m a l
s u b j e c t s with d i f f e r e n t readin.g spans provide. c r u c i a l em­
pirical s u p p o r t for the c a ? a c l t y theory. ~n th~s p~~e.r, we
focus on one a s p e c t o f this support: s u b j e c t s a b i l i t i e s to
c o m p r e h e n d s e n t e n c e s with s y n t a c t i c g a r d e n paths. Gar­
den path s e n t e n c e s are locally a m b i g u o u s s y n t a c t i c struc­
tures whose u l t i m a t e r e s o l u t i o n is t o w a r d an u n f a v o r e d
s y n t ; c t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . R e a d e r s and l i s t e n e r s are fre­
quently m i s l e d as to the s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e o f garden path
c o n s t r u c t i o n s . P e r h a p s the best known g a r d e n path struc­
ture is i l l u s t r a t e d in ( I ) (Bever, 1970):
I. The boat floated down the river sank.
Readers ( a n d l i s t e n e r s ) g e n e r a l l y a s s i g n the boat as the
subject o f f l o a t e d in ( I ) , and have consi~erab~e d i f f i c u l t y
revising this a s s i g n m e n t in favor o f one I n w h i c h t~e boat
is the s u b j e c t o f sank, and f l o a t e d down the river IS a re­
duced relative clause.
G a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s are o f i n t e r e s t wit~ resp~ct to t?e
role o f p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s , since they are i n t u i t i v e l y ~If­
ficult and w o u l d be e x p e c t e d to r e q u i r e more p r o c e s s i n g
resources to be i n t e r p r e t e d correctly than would unaI?~i~­
ous s e n t e n c e s with the same s t r u c t u r e . T h e r e f o r e , if indi­
vidual differences in the availability o f p r o c e s s i n g resources
affect s e n t e n c e c o m p r e h e n s i o n , there s h o u l d be differ­
ences in the a b i l i t y o f subjects with high and low p r o c e s s ­
ing c a p a c i t y to i n t e r p r e t these s e n t e n c e s .
M a c D o n a l d , Just, and C a r p e n t e r ( 1 9 9 2 ) have e x p l o r e d
the p r o c e s s i n g o f the type o f g a r d e n y a t h s e n t e n c e s ill~s­
trated in ( I ) by r e a d e r s who have high and low working
m e m o r y c a p a c i t i e s as m e a s u r e d by the D a n e m a n and Car­
penter (1980) r e a d i n g span task. M a c D ? n a l d . e t al. used a
s e l f - p a c e d w o r d - b y - w o r d r e a d i n g task, I n which each sen­
tence was followed by a question. They p r e s e n t e d garden
path s e n t e n c e s such as (2a) and n o n - g a r d e n path control
s e n t e n c e s such as (2b).
2a. The e x p e r i e n c e d soldiers warned about the dangers con­
ducted the m i d n i g h t raid.
2b. The e x p e r i e n c e d soldiers who were told about the dan­
gers c o n d u c t e d the m i d n i g h t raid.
They found that s u b j e c t s t o o k l o n g e r to rea~ the final
words and made more errors in a n s w e n n g questions about
g a r d e n p a t h s e n t e n c e s (2a) than in a n s w e r i n g q u e s t i o n s
a b o u t n o n - g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s , c o n f i r m i n g the diffi­
culty o f these garden path s e n t e n c e s . L o w - c a p a c i t y sub­
j e c t s m a d e more errors in a n s w e r i n g q u e s t i o n s about gar­
den p a t h than about n o n - g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s , ~hile
h i g h - c a p a c i t y subjects took l o n g e r to read the ~ords I n the
final p h r a s e s o f garden p a t h s e n t e n c e s than I n t h o s e o f
n o n - g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s . M a c D o n a l d et al. i n t e r p r e t e d
these r e s u l t s as c o n s i s t e n t with the c a p a c i t y theory o f sen­
tence c o m p r e h e n s i o n . They argued that both low- and high­
span r e a d e r s a t t e m p t to c o n s t r u c t both the prefe~red and
the u n p r e f e r r e d s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e s in s e n t e n c e s like (2a),
but that low-span subjects c a n n o t m a i n t a i n both s t r u c t u r e s
in working memory. Therefore, low-capacity subjects make
more e r r o r s on g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s , b e c a u s e they do not
have the u n p r e f e r r e d syntactic s t r u c t u r e available at the end
o f t h e s e n t e n c e , w h e r e a s h i g h - s p a n s u b j e c t s take l o n g e r to
read the words in the final phrases o f garden path sentences,
b e c a u s e they m a i n t a i n both the p r e f e r r e d and the unpre­
ferred syntactic structures t h r o u g h o u t the sentence.
However, there are several p r o b l e m s with this i n t e r p r e ­
tation o f M a c D o n a l d et al.'s ( 1 9 9 2 ) results. First, the ef­
fects d e s c r i b e d above were not r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l l y over
subjects. Second, there were only six sentences in each con­
d i t i o n , and s u b j e c t s made e r r o r s on 3 5 % - 5 0 % o f the gar­
den path s e n t e n c e s , so that the r e a c t i o n time a n a l y s i s for
g a r d e n p a t h s e n t e n c e s was b a s e d on d a t a for a p p r o x i ­
m a t e l y three s e n t e n c e s . Third, presum~bly bec~us.e o f the
small n u m b e r o f sentences o f each type, Item statistics were
not r e p o r t e d . Finally, the p a t t e r n o f results could s~mply
have r e f l e c t e d d i f f e r e n t s p e e d - a c c u r a c y t r a d e o f f s I n the
high- and l o w - s p a n groups.
B e c a u s e o f the a m b i g u i t y o f the M a c D o n a l d et al.
( 1 9 9 2 ) r e s u l t s , we u n d e r t o o k f u r t h e r study o f the r e l a t i o n ­
ship between working m e m o r y and c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f ~~r­
den p a t h s e n t e n c e s . In E x p e r i m e n t I we tested the abl~lty
o f 65 s u b j e c t s to p r o c e s s garden path s e n t e n c e s : The stim­
uli in this e x p e r i m e n t c o n s i s t e d o f s e n t e n c e s With r e d u c e d
relative clauses, as had been t e s t e d in the M a c D o n a l d et ~1.
s t u d y and two a d d i t i o n a l s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e s - s e n t e n t i a lcom~lements and e m b e d d e d c1auses-w~ich have been
shown to result in garden path e f f e c t s . S u b j e c t s made sen­
tence a c c e p t a b i l i t y j u d g m e n t s a b o u t a c c e p t a b l e and u n a c ­
c e p t a b l e g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s and two types o f n~n­
g a r d e n path s e n t e n c e s under two diff~r.ent p r e s e n t a t I o n
c o n d i t i o n s . In the whole s e n t e n c e c o n d i t i o n , the s e n t e n c e
r e m a i n e d on the screen until the s u b j e c t had r e s p o n d e d . In
the RSVP ( r a p i d serial visual p r e s e n t a t i o n ) c o n d i t i o n , the
words o f the s e n t e n c e were p r e s e n t e d s e q u e n t i a l l y in the
c e n t e r o f a c o m p u t e r screen. Miyake, Carpenter, and Just
( 1 9 9 4 ) have argued that the severe time c~nstraints im­
p o s e d by this t e c h n i q u e r e d u c e the p r o c e s s l ? g resour~es
available for syntactic processing. Moreover, SInce the stim­
ulus is not p r e s e n t for the s u b j e c t to review in the RSVP

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