Higher Education, Resistance, and State Building in Palestine

Abstract

T he extension of the higher education " franchise " to significant numbers of young people with modest means and from underprivileged strata since the mid-1970s has had far-reaching social and political consequences for Palestinian society. This brief article will investigate how Palestinian institutions of higher education—primarily the four universities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip—were implicated in the formation of an influential and hegemonic generation of activist intelligentsia in the crucial two de-cades preceding the establishment of the Palestinian Au-thority. It will also discuss this generation's fortunes under the current social and political regime in Palestine. It is appropriate to locate the widening of opportuni-ties for higher education in the mid-1970s within the gen-eral trajectory taken by the Palestinian national movement during the same period. It may be noted briefly that changes in the strategic thinking of the Palestine Liberation Orga-nization (PLO) after 1974 identified the Occupied Terri-tories as the site of the future Palestinian state and the main arena for the struggle for its realization. Thus, the estab-lishment of an infrastructure of national institutions as well as a network of political parties and front organizations to promote the struggle can be viewed as the cornerstones of the Palestinian state-building strategy. The few institutions of higher education existing in the Occupied Territories were thus " nationalized, " and their rapid expansion after the mid-1970s was supported by funds channeled by the PLO into the Occupied Territories. Wide sectors of society took advantage of this unprec-edented availability of highly subsidized " mass " university education, and enrollment in local institutions of higher education rose dramatically during the 1970s and 1980s. Although the PLO and some political parties were instru-mental in providing university education in the Arab world and abroad (mainly through scholarships offered by some Arab and then-socialist countries), the bulk of university graduates in the Occupied Territories after the 1970s have been the products of the local educational system. Palestinian universities during the latter part of the 1970s and throughout the 1980s were the prime site for the formation of a cadre of political activists who at impor-tant junctures were in the vanguard of the national resis-tance to occupation. While such cadres were also being recruited and built within other institutions such as sec-ondary schools, labor unions, and women's organizations, the universities were by far the most enabling medium for the crystallization of a politicized cohort of activists. Higher education has been perceived as, and has actu-ally been, an avenue of social mobility for sons and daugh-ters of peasants, refugees, and the urban middle and lower classes in Palestinian society. In this sense, graduates of lo-cal universities constitute a significant segment of the grow-ing middle strata in Palestinian society, especially in the period after the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and the expansion of employment opportunities in the growing public and private sectors. What concerns us here, however, is how Palestinian universities were implicated in this process by constituting the environment par excellence for the elaboration of a politically hegemonic elite during the period prior to and after the establishment of the Pal-estinian Authority. The " nationalization " of the universities during this critical period meant above all that—by virtue of the fact that they were being supported by public, national funds (through the Palestinian Council for Higher Education)— they were part of the national project. As such, their ad-ministrations were expected (and often compelled) to allow full freedom of political activity and to align their institu-tions with the national movement. While political activity was largely conceived of as national, anti-occupation resis-tance, there was at the same time an increased student fo-cus on internal university politics, embodied in activities such as the campaign for " Arabization " of the curriculum and the struggle for student representation in university bodies. Elected student councils succeeded in wresting a considerable degree of authority (and recognition of the legitimacy of that authority) from university administra-tions and became a powerful force in university life. Palestinian universities during the lat-ter part of the 1970s and throughout the 1980s were the prime site for the formation of a cadre of political activ-ists.