A pragmatic account of the definiteness effect in existencial sentences

Abstract

It is argued that the restriction on NPs in focus position in existential sentences is a result of the presentational function of such sentences, rather than a constraint to be stated in semantic or syntactic terms. Such an account is consistent with the variety of definite NP types which may occur in existentials, a well as with an additional constraint which occurs with anaphoric definites (the impossibility of an additional predicative phrase following the focus NP). Existing semantic and syntactic analyses are argued not to be able to account for this data, which distinguishes among definite NPs as well as requiring reference to contextual factors. © 1993.