Abstract
The relation between state and religion is one of the disturbing issues in Islamic politics. In the early period of Islam, as it is well known, there existed what so-called. "the state of Madinah," which is often viewed as a model of Islamic politics, where state and religion is like two sides of the coin. In Madinan state religion was one of the dominant factor, which not only legitimated the leadership of Muhammad but also became the source of Inspiration in dealing with problems related to politics and state. While, on the other hand, state was needed to guarantee the existence of religion. The issue became even more complicated after the rise of nation-state in the Islamic World after the end Western Colonialism. Islamic World at that time was challenged to formulate a political and \tate system uncontradictory to Islamic principles and, at the same time, in accordance with modern Western political concept which has spread among the Muslim community. Since then debates around the formulation of "Islamic state" have became a dominant discourse. In Indonesian context, debate between Mohammad Nat sir and Soekarno on 'Islam, and Nationalism" is an important case in point. The debate reflects Indonesian Muslim struggle-through different angles-to establish a political system in Indonesia. died in Javanese texts, such as suluk and babad, written in the period of the establishment of Islam until the 19∗ century, are considered as the cultural representation of the fault line-despite the harmonious reconciliation-between Islam and Javanese tradition. In this context, changes in social and political affairs in JaVitnese courts, especially crucial dkxnges in the 19∗ century following tlx colonialism, implanted the emergence of religious discourses einbedded in the Javanese texts observed in this article. The significant process of acculturation of Nam into Javanese culture had deeply proceeded during the reign of Sultan Agung (1613-1646), die great ruler of Mataram Kingdom. At tfxat time, Javanese writings had developed intensively. In thai period also what is called "Javanese Islam " hits been formulated and even institutionalized in tlx social and political sphere. Islam his entered intensively into the hinterland of Java, after being concentrated mainly in the north coastal areas of Java. Utc advent of Islam into hinterland of Java occurred along with tlx; establishment of Mataram Kingdom, which became the dominant power in the 17}' and Iff∗ century, following the fall of kingdoms in the north costal areas of Java. Two Javanese writings, Babad Tanah Jawi acid Serai Ccntini, showed that tipe characteristic of religious discourse in Java was colored by the spirit of acculturation of Islam into Javanese culture. In these two Javanese- texts, Islam, particularly its Sufism aspect, is conceived as part of Javanese tradition, and is expressed in Javanese terms. Moreover, these two texts- notably Babad Tanah Jawi-describe Sultan Agung as not only being a Sufi ruler who had achieved a life perfection, but also a descendant of Br aw:jay a II, tlx ruler of Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit. In short, these two texts showed peaceful and harmonious atmospfjere of acculturation between Islam and Javanese culture. However, Javanese texts written in the 19∗ century, when the Javanese elite fpriyayij and devout Muslim fsamrij in pesantren -due to tl>e intervention of colonialism- were involved in conflict, had different nature. Court texts written in this period tended to discredit Islam, especially its adherence santri. Serat Darmogandul, Scrat Cabolek, and Suluk Gatoloco, among offers, are examples of Javanese texts composed by court elite in conflict atmosphere which discredited santri. These texts represented the ideology of priyayi opposing to santri tradition. In the eye of priyayi, Islam is regarded a foreign religion for Javanese, and santri altitudes were illustrated in negative forms even in unethical representations.
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CITATION STYLE
Hilmy, M. (2000). DiřasǍt fǐ al-IslǍm al-Mahallǐ: AdwǍ’ ’alǍ insihǍr al-IslǍm fǐ aš-Saq 5,fah al-JǍwiyyah. Studia Islamika, 7(2), 139–162. https://doi.org/10.15408/sdi.v7i2.712
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