Academic freedom in Mozambique

Abstract

Throughout Mozambique's post-colonial history, the extent of academic freedom and institutional autonomy has been shaped by political and socio-economic changes. From independence in 1975 until the late 1980s, Mozambique had a one-party political system and a socialist, centralized economy, and it was ravaged by a dramatic civil war between government forces and the main opposition party, Renamo. In this environment, academic freedom and institutional autonomy were severely restricted. However, from the 1990s to the late 2000s, following Mozambique's transition from a one-party-state system to a multiparty democracy and from centralized socialism to a free-market economy, higher education institutions (HEIs) obtained new rights, particularly the constitutional right to institutional autonomy. However, from the 2010s onwards, these specific rights have been seriously curtailed by the rise of a rather (semi) authoritarian political regime. Mozambique's constitution explicitly defines institutional autonomy as a constitutional right for HEIs. However, the constitution does not define academic freedom as a special right for academics but rather as amongst the civil liberties enjoyed by all citizens and as part of the freedom of scientific, technical, literary, and artistic creation. Institutional autonomy is reaffirmed in the law of higher education, the law 27/2009, but academic freedom is barely mentioned. In other words, the relevant legislation in Mozambique does not explicitly protect academic freedom. Despite being a constitutional right, institutional autonomy, in its diverse forms - pedagogical, scientific, administrative, and financial - is restricted at the practical level. Public HEIs are not self-governing institutions in matters of leadership. Vice-chancellors and deputy vice-chancellors are not elected by peers but appointed by the central government. Deans, directors, deputy deans, heads of department, and directors of academic programmes are also appointed by vice-chancellors, not elected. Private HEIs follow a similar logic, except for the fact that vice-chancellors are appointed by the owner, often religious or business entities. In terms of funding, public HEIs are dependent on the state budget but this budget is mostly channelled to pay staff salaries and running costs. Research is barely funded by the government; it is occasionally funded by donors.